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CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM, 


ILLUSTRATED   BY   ESPECIAL   REFERENCE   TO 

METACOMET   AND   THE   EXTINCTION 

OF  HIS   RACE. 


FREDERICK  FREEMAN. 


PRINTED  FOR  THE  AUTHOR  AT 

1878. 


Copyright,  1878, 
Br  E.  FREEMAN. 


E«3 


ADYEETISEMENT. 


The  following  pages  were  first  published  as  series 
in  "The  Seaside  Press,"  Sandwich.  They  are  now 
reproduced  to  preserve  important  history. 


M52G910 


INTBODUCTIOK 


It  was  said  by  an  Indian  warrior  who  long  since  yielded 
with  his  tribe  to  destiny,  lM  We  have  been  driven-  back  until 
we  can  retreat  no  farther.  Our  hatchets  are  broken  ;  our 
bows  are  snapped  ;  our  fires  are  nearly  extinguished  ;  a  little 
longer,  and  the  white  man  will  cease  to  oppress,  for  we  shall 
have  ceased  to  exist."  <  This  gloomy  foreboding  has  well-nigh 
been  realized.  Not  only  have  the  tribes  in  New  England, 
and  Indians  who  once  peopled  the  Hudson,  Potomac,  Susque- 
hanna, Rappahannock  and  the  valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  be- 
come extinct  save  only  a  shade  of  the  original  Red  Man,  met 
here  and  there,  chiefly  solitary,  but  even  what  were,  within 
the  memory  of  such  as  have  approximated  to  three-score  and 
ten,  frontiers  of  white  settlements,  have  been  divested  alike 
of  primeval  forests  and  of  marks  of  the  footsteps  of  the  once 
proud  lords  of  the  domain.  All  which  is  left  to  tell  that 
these  lands  were  once  inhabited  by  a  people  who  for  long 
centuries  flourished  in  their  primitive  condition,  are  names  of 
villages,  streams,  bays,  lakes,  valleys,  and  mountains ;  names 
retained  as  a  matter  of  convenience  rather  than  of  choice. 

From  the  shores  of  Huron  and  Superior,  from  the  tribu- 
tary streams  of  the  Missouri  and  Mississippi,  and  from  every 
remote  spot  of  their  once  cherished  and  thickly-settled  homes 
or  local  hunting-grounds,  they  disappear,  vanishing  like  vapor 
from  the  face  of  the  earth.  "  Although,"  as  said  the  eloquent 
Washington  Irving,  "  worthy  of  an  age  of  poetry,  and  fit  sub- 
ject for  local  story  and  thrilling  romance,  they  have  left 
scarcely  any  authentic  traces  for  the  page  of  history,  but  stalk 
like  gigantic  shadows  in  the  dim  twilight  of  tradition." 


2  INTRODUCTION. 

This  is  not  all :  whilst  aborigines  have  been  despoiled  of 
their  hereditary  possessions,  nationality,  and  even  existence, 
by  the  mercenary  acts  of  their  relentless  oppressors,  they  have 
been  shamefully  traduced.  Bigotry,  with  stolid  disregard  of 
the  Red  Man's  humanity,  has  contributed  its  full  share  of  the 
prejudice.  Little  allowance  has  been  made  for  inherited 
principles  or  popular  ignorance.  Too  many  writers  seem  to 
have  been  educated  to  regard  the  Indian  as  only  a  pagan.  He 
is  branded  a  "  worthless  savage,"  a  "  Canaanitish  devil,"  a 
"  wild  and  dangerous  beast,"  worthy  of  nothing  better  than 
extermination.  Too  many,  even  in  this  enlightened  nine- 
teenth century,  seem  to  believe  that  applause  of  such  proscrip- 
tion is  an  act  of  patriotism  and  filial  piety. 

In  the  pages  which  shall  follow  care  will  be  taken  to  exhibit 
with  impartiality  naked  facts.  That  they  may  be  presented 
as  they  really  exist,  reference  will  necessarily  be  made  almost 
entirely  to  the  records  of  the  doings  of  the  white  man  and  of 
the  provocations  of  the  dispossessed.  The  chronicles  of  such 
as  had  the  ability  to  transmit  to  other  generations  the  doings 
of  the  one,  or  of  the  provocations  and  sufferings  of  the  other, 
must  be  our  guide. 

It  has  been  pertinently  remarked  by  another,  that  Meta- 
comet  and  his  race,  the  kindly  reception  accorded  to  their  in- 
vaders notwithstanding,  "  lived  like  fugitives  in  their  native 
land,  and  went  down  like  a  bark  foundering  amid  darkness 
and  tempest,  without  a  pitying  eye  to  weep  their  fate  or  a 
friendly  hand  to  make  record  of  their  struggle."  Still  it  is 
not  so  much  the  intent  of  our  narrative  to  perform  an  act  of 
humanity  for  the  natives,  or  to  qualify  the  impressions  made 
by  the  spirit  of  their  oppressors,  as  to  set  forth  a  plain  and 
unvarnished  tale  of  facts  in  their  due  connection  and  with  im- 
portant bearings,  leaving  the  reader  to  his  own  conclusions. 

If  it  be  true,  as  a  respected  correspondent  suggests,  that 
"  the  Puritans  are  demi-gods,  and  woe  betides  the  man  who 
ventures  to  intimate  that  they  were  liable  to  the  faults  of 
ordinary  mortals,"  then,  the  writer  supposes  he  must  expect 
some  obloquy.  He,  nevertheless,  trusts  that  they  who  would 
censure  will  consider  the  sources  from  whence  the  facts  stated 
are  drawn  ;  and  will  remember  that  the  facts  must  be  inval- 
idated before  censure  is  just. 


INTRODUCTION.  3 

Confidently  believing  ourself  to  be  incapable  of  feelings 
hostile  to  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  or  Puritans,  —  as  early  settlers 
of  two  of  the  original  colonies  are  sometimes  indiscriminately 
called,  —  we  aver  that,  do  others  claim  such  paternity,  we  can 
do  more.  Through  nine  generations,  unmixed  by  any  other 
than  Pilgrim  blood,  ours  has  flowed.  We  honor  the  ancestry, 
but  entertain  no  idea  that  obedience  to  a  Divine  command 
involves  a  suppression  of  truth.  If,  in  giving  the  history  of 
an  important  era,  or  of  a  race,  faithfulness  requires  exposure 
of  historic  facts  unquestionable,  as  painful,  we  cannot  accuse 
ourself  of  irreverence,  nor  are  we  without  support  in  the  ex- 
ample of  many  worthy  descendants  of  both  Pilgrims  and 
Puritans,  whose  eminence  we  do  not  claim.  Well  assured, 
not  only  that  a  full  rather  than  an  incomplete  account  is  to 
be  commended,  and  that  by  candidly  conceding  the  errors  of 
those  who  preceded  us  foundation  is  laid  for  perpetuating 
what  were  really  their  characteristic  virtues,  and  a  beacon  set 
to  guard  against  possible  mistakes  and  imperfections,  all  at- 
tempts at  white-washing  are  disregarded.  Nor,  whatever 
reason  may  have  existed  for  our  correspondent's  suggestion 
that  errors  of  predecessors  are  not  with  impunity  to  be  ex- 
posed, do  we  find  that  the  regrets,  disgusts,  and  condemna- 
tions, called  forth  from  the  pens  of  Bentley,  Trumbull, 
D wight,  Davis,  Baylies,  Bancroft,  Sparks,  Saltonstall,  Sav- 
age,  and  others,  of  traits  and  transactions  which  they  severally 
deplored,  have  lessened  the  esteem  of  these  writers  among 
candid  and  intelligent  descendants  of  Pilgrims  or  Puritans. 

We  would  have  it  distinctly  understood  that  we  shall  make 
free  use  of  both  authentic  statements  and  pertinent  sugges- 
tions, avoiding  embellishments  and  conforming  as  far  as  com- 
patible with  unoffending  diction  to  the  words  of  the  narrators. 
The  aim  will  be,  not  rhetoric,  but  a  comprehensive  view  of  the 
whole  subject  presented. 

Theological  dogmas  and  ecclesiastical  polity  of  early  set- 
tlers, we  do  not  purpose  to  agitate  ;  neither  questions  of  right 
or  wrong  arising  from  the  planting  of  colonies  among  barba- 
rians. Letters  and  Christianity  are  expected  to  triumph  in  all 
contests  with  rude  races.  It  seems  to  be  a  fixed  fact  that  in 
all  such  strife  barbarism  shall  decline.     There  is  also  no  dis- 


4  INTRODUCTION. 

pute  that  the  aborigines  did,  in  large  degree,  occupy  a  soil 
only  partially  cultivated.  So  far  as  the  mere  question  of  sub- 
sistence was  involved,  there  was  room  for  occupancy. 

In  what  may  be  regarded  as  paramount  claims  of  civiliza- 
tion and  Christianity  there  are  important  questions.  But 
that  the  allusions  frequent  in  history  to  Indians  as  rebels, 
conspirators,  traitors,  culprits,  or  savages,  are  sufficient  to  blot 
out  their  rights  and  claims  to  the  soil  of  their  fathers  of  which 
they  had  legal  sovereignty,  will  not  be  thought. 

Could  we  take  up  the  views  and  opinions  of  Indians  them- 
selves respecting  the  invasions  of  early  New  England,  and 
write  aided  by  such  lights  and  counsels  and  struggles  of  the 
aborigines,  doubtless  the  subject  might  be  more  fairly  and 
adequately  presented.  The  people  who  fought  against  them 
and  took  possession  of  their  heritage  were  not  the  best  quali- 
fied to  be  exponents  of  Indians'  views,  or  motives  to  action, 
nor  to  be  alone  their  judges.  History  may  well  be  exacting 
to  secure  perfect  fairness  and  accuracy,  and  ought  not  to  be 
content  with  merely  plausible  surmise  or  hearsay  testimony. 
Any  historian  who  would  be  true  to  his  vocation  must  be 
allowed  to  look  on  much  with  a  cold  eye,  lest  he  abate  the 
truth  or  be  influenced  by  local  bias,  national  sympathy,  or 
hereditary  prejudices. 


NEW  ENGLAND  INDIAN  HISTORY 

CONTINUED. 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  name  "  Indian  "  was  given  to  the  aborigines  of  this 
country  by  Amerigo  Vespucci,  who,  two  years  after  John 
Cabot  had  explored  the  coast  of  North  America,  made  dis- 
covery of  some  parts  of  South  America,  and  had  the  singu- 
lar fortune  to  confer  his  own  name  on  both  parts  of  the  con- 
tinent. When  first  discovered  by  Columbus,  he  supposed,  as 
did  others  after  him,  that  these  coasts  were  the  eastern  shores 
of  India ;  hence  the  name  "  Indians  "  given  to  the  inhabitants. 
The  origin  of  the  North  American  Indians  remains  an  un- 
solved problem. 

The  Indians  of  New  England,  when  the  white  man  first 
came  among  them,  were  destitute  of  the  peculiar  advantages 
and  improvements  which  attend  civilized  life. 

Government  they  had  to  a  certain  extent.  Each  nation  or 
tribe  had  an  acknowledged  head  or  chief ;  the  son  of  such 
chief  succeeded  generally  to  the  father,  or,  if  there  were  no 
son,  the  queen  or  next  of  kin  ruled.  The  king,  or  chief  they 
called  "  Sachem."  Tribute  for  the  support  of  a  chief  was 
paid  by  all.1 

1  Some  have  supposed  that  the  titles  of  "  Chief  "  and  "  Sagamore  "  were  used 
by  Indians  indifferently.  But  others,  and  their  opinions  are  probably  correct, 
think  that  Sagamores,  a  name  which  to  a  limited  extent  only  was  in  use  in  New 
England,  ruled  a  lesser  territory,  and  were  in  degree  subordinate  and  accountable 
to  the  "  Sachems/'     There  were  many  Sagamores  within  the  Massachusetts  Bay 


6  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

They  had  such  laws  as  custom  imposed,  and  those  only. 
With  few  ideas  of  property  or  its  uses,  few  laws  and  fewer 
punishments  were  necessary.  Attempts  against  the  life  of  a 
chief,  and  other  acts  of  treason,  were  capital  offenses.  The 
punishment  was  summary  ;  some  of  the  wisest  men  were  con- 
voked, and  they  pronouncing  the  accused  guilty,  the  toma- 
hawk became  speedily  the  instrument  of  vengeance  ;  the  cul- 
prit's brains  were  spilled  without  thought  of  resistance.  Of 
personal  injuries  or  affronts  generally,  every  man  was  his  own 
avenger.  Indians  recognized  no  precept  which  forbade  ren- 
dering evil  for  evil. 

They  knew  nothing  of  military  discipline.  When  war  was 
contemplated,  the  Sachem  called  together  his  fighting  men, 
to  consult  them.  Hostilities  being  determined,  every  one  was 
left  to  fight  in  his  own  way. 

Domestic  relations  were  sacred.  Whenever  an  alliance 
was  desired,  the  courtship  was  simple  and  brief ;  the  enamored 
presented  to  the  parents  of  her  whom  he  sought,  a  belt  of 
wampum,  a  bracelet,  or  other  gift,  which,  if  she  received  it, 
constituted  marriage.  Girls,  from  eleven  to  fifteen  years  old, 
generally  had  suitors  according  to  their  charms.1 

Love  of  offspring  was  proverbially  strong  in  Indians.  No 
mother  was  ever  known  to  commit  her  pappoose  to  other 
nurse.  When  she  found  it  necessary  to  disburden  herself  of 
its   charge,  sometimes   by  convenient  arrangement  she  sus- 

Colony  ;  for  instance,  Sagamore  George  of  Saugus,  Sagamore  John  of  Medford, 
Sagamore  Passaconoway  of  Merrimac,  Sagamore  Shawanon  of  Nashua,  and 
others.  But  Massasoit,  the  Chief  of  the  Wampanoags,  was  always  called  Sachem ; 
as  were  Miantonimo,  Chief  of  the  Narragansetts  ;  and  Sassacus,  of  the  Pequots. 
What  authority  Sachems  and  Sagamores  had  respectively,  it  is  difficult  to  define. 
Roger  Williams  has  it  that  Sagamores  were  inferior  Sachems  who,  with  their 
subordinates,  were  located  for  purposes  of  planting  and  colonizing,  at  the  bidding 
of  the  Sachem..  Some  writers  have  it  that  the  Sachem  was  ruled,  rather  than 
ruler,  and  held  the  reins  only  by  the  peoples'  consent. 

1  The  new  relationship  was,  generally,  as  respected  the  wife,  no  sinecure.  Her 
services  were  laborious.  She  was  expected  to  provide  and  fasten  the  bark  which 
shall  cover  the  bridal  wigwam ;  braid  the  mats,  and  cultivate  the  corn-field.  In 
all  removes  she  was  expected  to  convey  the  provisions  ;  and,  if  mother  of  young 
children,  must  carry  the  youngest  swung  from  her  back.  Meals,  daily  prepared, 
must  wait  until  her  lord  and  other  male  attendants  have  regaled  themselves. 

Marriage  was  never  formed  with  one  of  near  kin,  and  the  tie  was  inviolable. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  7 

pended  the  infant  from  tree-boughs,  to  be   "  rocked  by  the 
breezes  from  the  land  of  souls,  or  soothed  by  songs  of  birds."  1 
In  their  religion,  Indians  had  faint  notions  of  a  future  state, 
—  a  paradise  of  hunting-grounds,  fruitful  fields,  flowery  mead- 
ows,   pleasant   rivers,    and   wigwams   provided  without  toil. 
This  view  led  them  to  bury  with  the  dead,  wampum,  bows 
and  arrows,  trinkets,  and  useful  utensils.     Indians  acknowl- 
edged a   Great  Spirit  who  gave  them  existence,  rain  after 
drought,  and  fair  weather  after  storm.     They  seem  to  have 
been  inspired  by  the  common  hope  of  mankind,  —  the  hope  of 
happiness.     But  deep  inquiry  into  religion  was  little  consist- 
ent with  that  indolence  of  mind  which  they  regarded  as  bliss. 
The  Great  Spirit  they  called  "  Katan,"  and  with  this  spirit 
they  imagined  their  powows  had  influence.2     It  has  been  said 
that  Mr.  Eliot  could,  in  translating  the  Bible,  find  no  Indian 
word  by  which  to  express  the  name  God,  and  was,  therefore, 
obliged  to  employ  English  terms.3     Mr.  Mayhew,  after  an  in- 
terview, in  1650,  with  Myoxco,  a  Martha's  Vineyard  Chief, 
suggested  that  Indians  believed  in  a  plurality  of  gods.     But 
Mr.  Eliot  and  Mr.  Mayhew  are  probably  neither  to  be  con- 
sidered as  settling  the  question  of  the  Indians'  religious  be- 
lief.4 

There  is  evidence  that  besides  their  notions  of  a  great  and 
good  spirit,  they  had  some  thought  of  an  evil  spirit,  some- 

i  It  was  their  excessive  fondness  for  their  children  which  was  the  chief  diffi-  ( 
culty  in  the  way  of  educating  the  offspring  of  Indians.     They  could  not  endure 
the  thought  of  separation. 

2  It  was  resort  to  this  kind  of  priesthood  which  brought  from  early  settlers  the 
accusation  that  Indians  worshipped  the  devil.  Believing  that  the  powows  had 
influence  in  cases  of  sickness  or  other  troubles,  they  were  offended  by  the  denun- 
ciations of  Eliot,  Mayhew,  Gookin,  etc.,  who  condemned  the  acts  of  powows.  as 
juggles.  n 

»  "  It  may  be  fairly  inferred  that  Mr.  Eliot's  objection  to  the  word  '  Katan, 
was  simply  that  it  might  not  convey  to  the  mind  of  Indians  an  uncontaminated 
idea  of  the  true  God  of  the  Scriptures."    Mr.  W.  preferred  the  word  "  Manitou," 
by  which  term  the  natives  were  accustomed  to  express  admiration  of  whatever 
excelled. 

4  We  think  it  will  appear,  on  examination,  that  Myoxco  had  reference  only  to 
Sagamores  translated  to  the  place  of  souls,  an  idea  akin  to  the  mythology  to 
which  Cicero  refers  :  "Romulus  in  cceli  cum  Diis."  The  probability  is,  as  Mr. 
Williams  intimates,  that  Myoxco  wished  to  get  rid  of  Mr.  Mayhew's  importunity 
and  therefore  asked  "  Shall  I  throw  all  these  Manitous  away  ?  "  There  is  no  evi- 
dence of  departed  braves  being  regarded  as  objects  of  religious  worship. 


8  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

times  called  "  Chapian,"  but  oftener  "  Habomacho."  *  A 
modern  writer  says,  "  The  Indian's  untutored  mind  betrayed 
him  into  childish  fancies  concerning  the  future,  yet  he  was  far 
from  excluding  any  part  of  his  own  species."  2 

If  we  proceed  to  a  general  view  of  the  Indian,  —  his  per- 
son, life,  character,  etc.,  let  it  be  said  :  — 

1.  Indians  were  remarkable  for  their  strong  and  well  com- 
pacted forms,  athletic  and  capable  of  endurance.  When  first 
seen  by  the  English  settlers,  they  were  none  of  them  inebri- 
ates. They  knew  nothing  of  intoxicating  drinks  until  the 
white  man  came  and  tempted  them.  "  English  strong- 
water  "  had  a  bewitching  charm.  In  the  long  run  it  de- 
stroyed more  than  fell  by  the  sword.3 

2.  Indians  were  fond  of  society.  They  had  games  and 
sports  in  which  all  engaged.  Children,  as  soon  as  able  to 
draw  the  bow,  became  experts  in  shooting.  Wrestling,  run- 
ning, swimming,  and  dancing  were  amusements  in  which  they 
often  and  early  exercised.  A  favorite  pastime  was  foot-ball ; 
clans  would  engage,  the  goals  sometimes  being  a  mile  or  two 
apart. 

3.  In  manners  they  were  naturally  urbane.  They  came 
into  houses  of  friends  or  strangers  without  knocking,  and  sat 
down  without  salutation  or  ceremony,  as  if  entitled  to  hos- 
pitality.4 

4.  At  first  Indians  were  partially  clothed  by  pelts  of  beasts. 

1  Roger  Williams,  Wood,  and  others  tell  us  that  the  "Indians  believed  that  a 
peaceful  entrance  into  elysium  was  denied  to  the  unworthy." 

2  A  late  editor  of  Pope's  Essay  on  Man  has  said,  "  This  vice  (of  omitting  to 
exclude  his  own  species)  could  proceed  only  from  pride  of  science.  He  humanly 
admits  his  faithful  dog  to  bear  him  company." 

Woods  tells  of  an  Indian  who  had  never  seen  a  black  man,  that  coming  where 
was  a  negro,  he  was  alarmed,  supposing  him  to  be  Habomacho.  The  reader 
will  recollect  it  is  related  by  African  explorers  that  when  negroes  on  the  banks 
of  the  Niger  first  saw  Mr.  Parks,  who,  we  need  not  say  was  a  white  man,  they 
exclaimed,  "  The  Lord  preserve  us  from  the  devil.,,  Had  Indians  known  at  first 
sight,  what  afterwards  befell  them,  they  doubtless  would  have  thought  some  such 
exclamation  pertinent. 

8  It  is  related,  that  on  one  occasion  white  people  undertook  to  punish  Indians 
for  some  indiscretion.  A  chief  of  the  tribe  objected,  "  Send  your  fire-water  to 
prison ;  punish  it,  but  not  those  whom  it  causes  to  do  wrong." 

*  It  is  remarkable  that  no  person  was  subject  to  insult,  and  that  no  female 
had  occasion  to  apprehend  any  attempt  upon  her  honor.  It  it  also  remarkable 
that  violence  was  never  known  to  be  offered  by  an  Indian  to  females  of  his  own 
race. 


*,  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  9 

When  they  became  acquainted  with  European  fabrics,  an  old 
covering  of  otter  or  beaver  would  suffice  to  buy  a  new  suit  of 
woolen  or  linen.1 

5.  The  personal  ornament  of  Indians  consisted  chiefly  of 
pendants,  paints,  and  feathers.2 

6.  In  construction,  Indians  did  not  excel.  Their  contriv- 
ances for  navigation  showed,  however,  that  they  were  capable 
of  better  things  than  they  attempted.3 

7.  The  few  implements  employed  by  Indians  for  manual 
operation  were  chiefly  stone.  They  used  the  shell  of  the  large 
sea- clam  for  a  hoe.4 

8.  In  the  culinary  department  a  few  wooden  or  earthen 
vessels  sufficed.5 

9.  As  to  household  furniture,  their  wants  were  few.6 

10.  Their  fisheries,  and  game  generally,  were  objects  of  in- 
terest.7 

i  Indian  moccasins  were  generally  made  from  skins  of  moose,  dressed  by 
stringent  application.  Manufactured  articles  they  sometimes  stained  with  bril- 
liant colors.  Threads  of  wild  hemp,  sinews  of  animals,  or  quills  of  porcupines, 
were  used  to  embroider  apparel. 

2  These  pendants  were  carved  from  shell,  bone,  or  stone,  and  were  hung  from 
ear  or  neck.  Belts  of  wampum  were  suspended  from  arms  or  shoulders,  or  ad- 
justed around  waist  or  knees.  Feathers  were  decorations  for  the  hair,  and 
paints  were  used  upon  face,  body,  and  limbs. 

8  Canoes  of  pine  or  chestnut  were  made  by  repeated  burning,  and  by  scraping 
with  shells  the  charred  parts,  and  by  hewing  with  stone.  Boats  were  constructed 
from  the  bark  of  birch,  the  strips  sewed  together  by  raw  hide,  having  ribs  or 
knees  distended. 

4  The  implements  of  stone  were  chiefly  pestles,  chisels,  and  hatchets.  Speci- 
mens of  these  are  occasionally  found  in  localities  which  Indians  frequented.  The 
hatchet  had,  instead  of  an  eye  for  the  insertion  of  a  helve,  a  groove  forming  a 
neck  around  which  to  fasten  a  withe. 

6  The  wooden  ware  was  made,  generally,  of  the  knots  of  trees.  Indians  boiled 
in  earthen  pots,  baked  in  hot  ashes,  and  roasted  by  means  of  a  spit  placed  be- 
fore a  fire. 

6  They  needed  neither  chairs,  nor  stools,  nor  beds  except  such  as  were  formed 
of  mats  or  pelts;  they  preferred  sitting  or  sleeping  on  the  ground;  even  in  grand 
council  Indians  sat  on  the  ground.     The  earth  was  their  table. 

7  They  had  fisheries  at  nearly  all  rivers,  and  at  the  shores  and  lakes  at  proper 
seasons;  and  contriving  to  make  the  waters  and  sands  contribute  amply  to 
their  sustenance,  they  constructed  nets  and  seines  of  wild  kelp,  and  fished  with 
hooks  and  lines,  the  hooks  made  from  bones.  Sturgeon  were  taken  by  aid 
of  torch-light.  Besides  these  resources,  there  were  various  methods  of  taking 
game.  Moose,  caribou,  and  deer  were,  especially,  edible.  Bears,  raccoons,  rab- 
bits, and  birds  were  valued.     Traps  were  contrived  for  taking  the  larger  animals 


10  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

11.  They  were  partial  to  tobacco.  By  it  they  sought  to 
refresh  their  spirits.  The  offer  of  a  pipe  was  token  of  friend- 
ship and  hospitality. 

12.  The  Indian's  weapons  remain  to  be  noticed.  These 
were  chiefly  bow  and  arrow,  tomahawk,  and  spear.1 

Indians  have  had  a  reputation  of  being  revengeful.  It  is 
notorious,  however,  that  Indians  invariably  practiced  hospi- 
tality to  all  by  whom  they  were  civilly  or  kindly  treated. 
Nor  were  they  incapable  of  tender  compassion,  true  gratitude, 
and  warm  friendship.  Whenever  the  white  man  has  entered 
his  dwelling,  the  Indian  has  treated  him  to  the  best  he  could 
set  before  himj 

A  serious  injury  or  affront  created  within  the  Indian  breast 
a  burning  feeling  which  could  ordinarily  be  appeased  only  by 
retaliation.  Not  enraged  by  injuries,  or  made  suspicious  be- 
cause of  previous  breaches  of  faith,  Indians  were  ever  disposed 
to  treat  the  white  man  kindly.  They  welcomed  him,  they  fed 
him  in  his  necessity,  they  gave  him  land,  they  instructed  him 
in  cultivating  their  great  staple,  they  cherished  and  faithfully 
conducted  home  children  who  becoming  lost  would  otherwise 
have  perished  by  hunger  or  been  destroyed  by  wild  beasts. 

If  Indians  looked  with  a  jealous  eye,  at  any  time,  on  new 
settlers,  it  was  not  without  cause.  Did  they  at  last  repent 
that  they  had  not  discouraged  and  prevented  the  first  attempts 

by  digging  pits  in  their  wonted  paths,  or  by  other  devices.  All  game  Avhose 
skins  were  useful,  was  eagerly  sought.  It  was  by  one  of  the  Indian  contrivances 
that  Governor  Bradford,  on  an  excursion  to  Truro,  was  caught  and  instantly 
lifted,  dangling  in  air. 

It  was  unfortunate  for  the  first  Indians  that  the  modus  operandi  of  producing 
salt  was  not  known  by  them.  Salt  would  have  contributed  to  their  comfort. 
With  ability  to  draw  from  waters,  sands,  and  forests,  they  were  measurably  inde- 
pendent. When,  as  in  traveling,  no  other  food  was  at  hand,  a  small  pouch  of 
parched  corn  furnished  them  amply. 

1  The  tomahawk  was,  in  the  earlier  stages  of  the  progress  of  Indians,  simply  a 
club  with  a  knob.  Then  came  bow  and  arrow,  and  next  the  hatchet.  Bow- 
strings were  obtained  from  sinews  of  animals.  Arrows  were  made  of  suitable 
wood  and  usually  pointed  with  flint.  Simple  as  these  weapons  were  when  first 
in  use,  they  did  execution.  After  acquaintance  with  white  people  Indians  began 
to  use  arrow-heads  of  iron  or  brass.  Trained  from  early  childhood  to  draw  the 
bow,  they  seldom  missed  the  mark,  aiming  at  man,  beast,  or  bird.  In  the  total 
absence  of  military  discipline,  Indians  engaged  in  war  in  a  loose  and  apparently 
disorderly  manner.  After  the  first  attack,  if  they  deemed  it  desirable  to  follow 
with  a  closer  assault,  they  resorted  to  the  tomahawk,  and  next  to  firearms. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  11 

of  white  people  to  settle  among  them,  or  regret  that  when 
they  saw  that  kindnesses  and  concessions  were  to  be  of  no 
avail,  they  did  not  by  timely  and  general  union  drive  out 
exacting,  ungrateful,  overbearing  invaders?  Had  they  not 
reasons  for  such  regrets  ?  Fortunate  for  the  white  people  it 
was  that  such  regrets  came  too  late. 

Much  has  been  said  by  those  who  know  but  little  of  the 
real  traits  of  Indian  character,  about  Indian  taciturnity, 
sullenness,  sulkiness,  and  malignity.  But  those  who  have  had 
opportunities  to  study  the  native  character  do  not  confirm 
the  impressions  generally  entertained.1 

The  character  of  North  American  Indians  has  been  differ- 
ently represented  by  various  writers.  The  portraits  drawn 
have  not  been  simply  various,  but  sometimes  contradictory.3 
It  is  safe  to  infer  that  it  may  be  possible  that  sometimes 
"  the  devil  is  not  so  black  as  he  is  painted." 

Burton  describes  the  Indian  as  "  a  cannibal,  a  monster  in 
human  shape."     Spaniards  associated  with  De  Soto  in  Flor- 

i  Mr.  Irving,  who  had  not  only  the  disposition,  but  had  peculiar  facilities  for 
studying  Indian  character,  says  of  them,  "  The  Indians  that  I  have  had  opportu- 
nity of  seeing  in  real  life  are  quite  different  from  those  described  in  poetry.  They 
are  by  no  means  the  stoics  that  they  are  represented,  taciturn,  unbending,  without  a 
tear  or  smile.  Taciturn  they  are,  it  is  true,  when  in  company  with  white  men  whose 
good  will  they  distrust,  and  whose  language  they  do  not  understand.  The  white 
man  is  equally  taciturn  under  like  circumstances.  When  Indians  are  among  them- 
selves, there  cannot  be  greater  gossips ;  half  their  time  is  taken  up  in  talking  over 
their  adventures  in  war  and  hunting,  and  in  telling  whimsical  stories.  They  are 
great  mimics  and  buffoons,  also,  and  entertain  themselves  excessively  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  whites  with  whom  they  have  associated,  and  who  have  supposed  them 
impressed  with  profound  respect  for  their  grandeur  and  dignity.  They  are  curi- 
ous observers,  noting  everything  in  silence,  but  with  a  keen  and  watchful  eye, 
occasionally  exchanging  with  each  other  a  glance  or  a  grunt  when  anything  par- 
ticularly strikes  them.  They  reserve  all  comments  until  they  are  alone ;  then  it 
is  that  they  give  free  scope  to  criticism,  satire,  mimicry,  and  mirth.  In  the  course 
of  my  journey  along  the  frontier,  I  have  had  repeated  opportunities  of  noticing 
their  excitability  and  boisterous  merriment  at  their  games,  and  have  occasionally 
noticed  a  group  of  Osages  sitting  around  a  fire  until  a  late  hour  of  night,  engaged 
in  the  most  lively  and  animated  conversation,  and  at  times  making  the  woods  re- 
sound with  laughter.  As  to  tears,  they  have  them  in  abundance,  both  real  and 
affected.  At  times  they  make  a  merit  of  them.  No  one  weeps  more  bitterly  or 
profusely  at  the  death  of  a  relative  or  friend.  They  have  stated  times  when  they 
repair  to  howl  and  lament  at  their  graves.  I  have  heard  doleful  wailings  at  day- 
break, in  the  neighborhood  of  Indian  villages,  made  by  inhabitants  who  go  out  at 
that  hour  into  the  field  to  mourn  and  weep,  for  the  dead." 


12  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

ida  conceded  to  Indians  the  character  of  a  "  magnanimous 
enemy."  Celebrities  in  New  England  were  agreed  that  the 
Indian  was  "  a  child  of  the  devil."  William  Penn  and  his 
associates,  pursuing  a  wiser  policy,  were  able  to  accord  to 
natives  a  better  character,  —  "  capable  of  being  mollified  by 
acts  of  good  neighborhood  into  faithful  friends  and  adherents." 
In  these  later  times,  President  Harrison,  William  L.  Stone, 
and  many  others,  have  been  inclined  to  concede  to  Indians 
some  good  share  of  common  humanity.  Mr.  Catlin  has  told 
us  that  in  all  his  intercourse  with  them  he  "  was  generously 
welcomed,  treated  to  the  best  they  could  give,  escorted  with- 
out charge  through  a  hostile  country  ;  aided  in  passing  rivers 
and  mountains ;  never  robbed,  never  betrayed,  and  his  bag- 
gage protected."  General  Harrison,  who  acted  for  the  United 
States,  in  treaties  with  Indians,  and  had  extensive  intercourse 
with  them,  in  his  military  expeditions  and  as  Governor  of  the 
Northwest  Territory,  commends  "  their  natural  endowments 
and  the  high  susceptibilities  of  their  moral  and  intellectual 
nature." 


CHAPTER  II. 

Metacomet,  the  Indian  who  figures  principally  in  the  fol- 
lowing pages,  was  Sachem  of  the  Wampanoags,  a  people 
sometimes  called  Pokanokets.  Metacomet  is  perhaps  better 
known  in  the  early  history  of  New  England  as  King  Philip, 
a  sobriquet  applied  to  him  by  the  English.  Before  him,  his 
father,  Massasoit,  was  king  or  sachem,  whose  jurisdiction 
reached  from  the  Massachusetts  to  the  Narragansett  Bay. 
Massasoit  was  recognized  by  all  Indians  over  whom  his  sover- 
eignty extended  as  their  Great  Sachem.1  His  chief  seat, 
Pokanoket,  was  sometimes  called  Sowam.  It  was  the  same 
which  was  afterwards  called  by  white  people,  Swansey.  Its 
centre  was  where  are  now  Bristol  and  Warren.2 

Massasoit  was  that  sachem  who,  a  short  time  after  the 
Mayflower  company  landed  at  Plymouth,  visited  them  and 
brought  many  Indians,  and  made  with  Plymouth  men  "  the 
first  Treaty  of  Friendship."  The  Pilgrims  had  been  visited 
by  Indians  before,  and  have  told  us  that  "  a  savage  came 
boldly  alone  into  town,  and  to  the  astonishment  of  all  ad- 
dressed them  in  English,  saying,  to  their  great  joy,  4  Wel- 
come, Englishmen  !  Welcome,  Englishmen  !  '  " 

This  savage  (such  the  kind  welcomer  was  called)  was  Sam- 
oset,  reported  lord  or  sagamore,  of  Moratiggon,3  distant  five 

1  The  name  of  this  "  Great  Sachem  "  was  written  by  Governor  Winslow,  as 
probably  it  was  pronounced,  Massasowet.  He  was  also  sometimes  called  Osame- 
kin,  Asuhmeguin,  or  Woosamequin.  Indians  gave  large  freedom  to  fancy,  or 
whim,  in  bestowment  of  names. 

2  He  had  also  quarters  in  Nemasket,  alias  Middleborough,  for  hunting  and  fish- 
ing ;  also  a  hunting-house  near  a  pond  or  swamp,  now  embraced  in  the  town  of 
Kaynham,  which  was  formerly  a  part  of  Taunton. 

8  Some  write  it  Monhigan,  or  Monhegan.  The  country  around  Cape  Ann  is 
the  locality  intended. 


14  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

days'  journey  eastward  ;  and  who  had  learned  to  speak  broken 
English  by  occasional  intercourse  with  fishermen,  who,  from 
the  time  when  Gosnold  discovered  Cape  Cod,  1602,  had,  in 
prosecution  of  their  vocation  been  accustomed  to  visit  the 
shores  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  This  Indian  was  of  fine  person, 
tall,  and  erect.  He  seems,  however,  not  to  have  bestowed 
great  attention  on  his  toilet,  in  preparation  for  his  visit,  for 
he  was  naked  save  that  he  had  about  his  loins  a  leathern 
girdle  with  fringe  about  a  span  long."  His  armor  was  sim- 
ply "  a  bow  and  two  arrows." 

Samoset  came  again,  soon  after  this  first  friendly  visit,  and, 
agreeably  to  promise,  brought  other  Indians,  five  in  number, 
who  were  dressed  in  skins,  their  faces  painted  and  their  per- 
sons variously  ornamented.  In  compliance  with  a  charge 
given  to  Samoset  on  his  former  visit,  these  Indians  left  their 
bows  and  arrows  some  distance  from  the  settlement.  Ap- 
proaching u  with  signs  of  amity  and  friendship,"  they  were 
gladly  received  by  the  Pilgrims,  who  "  gave  them  entertain- 
ment." The  visiting  Indians,  in  return,  "  much  amused  their 
eager  hosts  by  an  exhibition  of  the  Indian  style  of  singing 
and  dancing.  They  offered  in  trade  a  few  beaver-skins.  The 
barter  was  on  both  sides  agreeable,  and  arrangement  was  made 
for  a  future  visit  with  more  skins.  The  company  then  took 
friendly  leave. 

Samoset,  who  had  knowledge  of  the  whole  surrounding 
country,  and  of  the  number  and  strength  of  all  the  tribes, 
came  again  April  2,  and  brought  with  him  "a  notable  In- 
dian, named  Tisquantum."  This  Indian  came  to  be  called  by 
the  Pilgrims,  Squanto.  Him  Samoset  represented  as  the 
only  native  surviving  of  all  the  Patuxet  tribe. 

Tisquantum,  alias  Squanto,  had,  with  twenty-seven  other 
Indians,  been  treacherously  seized  by  one  Captain  Hunt  of 
Smith's  fleet,  which,  in  1614,  on  a  voyage  from  Virginia  to 
Malaga,  had  touched  at  both  Patuxet  and  Nauset  to  load  with 
fish.  With  his  fellow  captives  Tisquantum  was  transported 
to  Malaga  and  sold.  The  only  redeeming  consideration  which 
connects  with  the  infamous  transaction,  is  the  fact  that  the 
extraordinary  pestilence  which,  in  1617,  desolated  Patuxet 
and  all  the  country  immediately  surrounding  was,  by  Smith's 


X  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  15 

perfidy,  deprived  of  some  victims,  who,  had  they  remained, 
would  in  all  probability  have  yielded  their  lives  to  the  devas- 
tating scourge.  Hunt,  his  lading  successfully  accomplished  at 
these  cape  towns,  and  his  ship  ready  for  sea,  enticed  Indians 
on  board  under  pretense  of  trade,  and  by  coup  de  main  con- 
fined them  in  hold.  Of  the  kidnapped,  twenty-one  were 
Patuxets.  The  others  were  Nausets.  They  were  sold  for 
£20  each ;  the  aggregate  result  of  the  atrocious  act  being 
about  $2,700. 

It  may  well  be  supposed  that  knowledge  of  Hunt's  great 
wrong  kindled  in  the  bosoms  of  many  tribes  fires  of  hatred 
and  suspicion  which  lasted  long  and  made  future  attempts  at 
commerce  hazardous.  Tisquantum,  whose  abbreviated  cog- 
nomen we  will  henceforward  use,  had,  through  the  interposi- 
tion of  benevolent  monks  in  Malaga,  been  finally  set  at  liberty, 
and  by  their  assistance  found  his  way  to  England.  Honor  to 
whom  honor  is  due.  These  practically  Christian  men,  called 
monks,  taught  by  their  act  a  noble  lesson  of  humanity  which 
it  were  well  for  persons  of  opposing  religious  views  to  learn 
and  practice.  Squanto  resided  some  time  in  London,  and 
there  learned  to  speak  English.  At  last,  getting  on  board  a 
fishing  vessel  bound  to  Moratiggon,  he  came  back  to  his  native 
land. 

With  other  Indians,  whose  object  was  trade,  Squanto  had 
now,  under  the  guidance  of  Samoset,  come  to  Plymouth.  The 
express  object  of  the  call  was  to  notify  the  good  people  re- 
cently settled  there,  that  Massasoit,  the  Great  Sachem,  was 
approaching  with  intention  of  making  the  colonists  a  friendly 
visit. 

Within  an  hour  after  delivering  the  kind  and  courteous 
message  sent  through  avant  courier,  the  Great  Sachem  with 
his  brother  Quadequina  and  a  retinue  of  about  sixty  natives, 
presented  themselves  on  the  summit  of  Watson's  Hill.  Gov- 
ernor Carver,  in  great  haste,  after  brief  parley  through  the 
agency  of  Squanto,  dispatched  Mr.  Winslow  to  invite  Massa- 
soit to  an  interview.  Mutual  distrust  prevailed  at  first,  pre- 
venting further  advances ;  but  as  soon  as  Mr.  Winslow,  by 
aid  of  Squanto  as  interpreter,  had  in  the  name  of  King  James 
addressed  Massasoit,  and  assured  him  that  the  King  saluted 


16  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

"  the  great  Massasoit  with  words  of  love  and  peace,"  regard- 
ing him  as  "  a  friend  and  ally,"  and  that  the  Governor  "  de- 
sired opportunity  to  confirm  a  good  understanding  with  the 
Sachem  as  his  friend  and  neighbor,"  Massasoit  expressed  him- 
self u  well  pleased." 

So  after  partaking  of  refreshments  sent  by  the  Governor, 
and  after  Mr.  Winslow  had  presented  to  Massasoit  and  Quad- 
equina  each  a  knife  and  copper  chain,  arrangements  were  be- 
gun for  a  grand  interview.  Mr.  Winslow  was  to  be  detained 
as  hostage  in  custody  of  Quadequina  and  forty  other  Indians  ; 
and  the  Great  Sachem  and  twenty  of  his  men,  unarmed,  were 
to  meet  Standi sh  and  six  others  who  were  already  come  to 
the  brook  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  to  receive  them.  The  parties 
met  accordingly,  and  after  mutual  salutations  proceeded  to 
Governor  Carver's  house,  Standish  and  his  six  men  acting  as 
a  vanguard  or  escort  with  loaded  muskets.  "  Cushions  for 
the  King  "  as  Massasoit  was  called,  were  placed  on  a  green 
rug  on  the  floor,  and  the  Great  Sachem  with  his  attendants 
seated  around,  ready  for  the  interview.  Governor  Carver  en- 
tered preceded  by  musketeers,  music  of  drum  and  trumpet, 
and  forthwith  "  kissed  Massasoit's  hand."  After  such  salu- 
tation refreshments  were  offered.  "  The  Governor  called  for 
strong-water,  and  drank  to  Massasoit,  and  (as  the  annalists 
say)  the  Sachem  drank  a  great  draught  that  made  him  sweat 
all  the  time  after." 

The  result  of  this  interview  was  a  treaty,  March  22,  1621. 
This  "  first  treaty  "  it  may  be  of  interest  to  have  in  full.  The 
Plymouth  records  give  it  as  follows :  "  They  agree  on  a  league 
of  friendship,  in  these  words,  namely :  — 

"  1.  That  neither  he  nor  any  of  his  shall  injure  any  of  our 
people. 

"  2.  That  if  any  of  his  do  any  hurt  to  any  of  ours,  he  shall 
send  the  offender  that  we  may  punish  him. 

"  3.  That  if  our  tools  be  taken  away  when  our  people  are 
at  work,  he  shall  cause  them  to  be  restored  ;  and  if  any  of 
ours  do  any  harm  to  his,  we  will  do  the  like. 

"  4.  That  if  any  do  unjustly  war  against  him,  we  will  aid 
him  ;  and  if  any  do  war  against  us,  he  shall  aid  us. 

"  5.  That  he  shall  send  to  his  neighbor-confederates  to 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  17 

certify  them  of  this  that  they  may  not  wrong  us,  but  may  be 
likewise  comprised  in  these  conditions  of  peace. 

"  6.  That  when  their  men  come  to  see  us  upon  any  occa- 
sion they  will  leave  their  bows  and  arrows  behind  them,  as 
we  shall  do  our  pieces  when  we  come  to  them. 

"  7.  That  doing  thus  King  James  will  esteem  him  a  friend 
and  ally." 

It  is  not  presumed  that  the  preceding  "treaty"  was  then 
and  there  fully  committed  to  writing  and  diplomatically  con- 
sidered. The  Pilgrims  say,  "  The  above  was  the  substance," 
and  that  "  Massasoit  always  faithfully  observed  and  kept  it." 
And  in  1645  Governor  Bradford  wrote,  "  This  league  has 
lasted  twenty-four  years."  Secretary  Morton  underwrites, 
"  Yea,  thirty  years  longer,  viz.,  to  1675." 

The  Preface  to  Plymouth  Laws,  declaring  "  the  warrant- 
able grounds  and  proceedings  of  the  government  of  New 
Plymouth,  affirms  that  "  the  Plymouth  Associates,  by  the 
favor  of  Almighty  God,  began  the  Colony  in  New  England 
at  a  place  called  by  the  natives  Apaum,  alias  Patuxet,  all  the 
lands  being  void  of  inhabitants.  The  said  John  Carver,  Wil- 
liam Bradford,  Edward  Winslow,  William  Brewster,  Isaac 
Allerton  and  the  rest  of  the  associates  entering  into  a  league 
of  peace  with  Massasoit,  Prince  or  Sachem  of  those  parts. 
He,  the  said  Massasoit,  freely  gave  them  all  the  lands  adjacent 
to  them  and  to  their  heirs  forever." 

Massasoit  is,  in  the  quaint  style  of  a  writer  of  early  times, 
represented  as  appearing  to  be  u  a  portly  man  in  his  best 
years  ;  of  grave  countenance  and  spare  speech."  This  account 
of  him,  dating  back  doubtless  to  the  time  of  the  first  interview, 
it  may  fairly  be  presumed  was  not  overdrawn.  Indians  have 
ever  had  a  reputation  for  becoming  dignity,  and  have  not 
often  been  charged  with  being  too  loquacious  in  presence  of 
strangers.  The  Sachem  differed  in  attire  from  his  people 
only  in  having  a  chain  of  white  beads  hung  around  the  neck, 
and  in  his  bosom  a  sheathed  knife.  His  attendants  were,  ac- 
cording to  court  etiquette,  all  painted. 

Although  the  Pilgrims  had  several  times  before  seen  a  few 
Indians  distant  and  unapproachable,  in  reconnoitering  excur- 
sions on  the  Cape  previous  to  locating  at  Plymouth,  and  had 


18  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

conversed  with  Samoset  and  his  few  confreres,  the  present  was 
the  first  considerable  company  whom  they  met.     Samoset  and 
Squanto  as  interpreters,  an  instrumentality  so  necessary  and 
1   important,  was  fortunate  and  providential. 

Massasoit  lived  to  a  good  old  age,  and  died  in  the  winter  of 
1661-2.  He  may,  as  early  settlers  have  suggested,  been  glad 
of  the  friendship  of  white  people,  inasmuch  as  the  Narragan- 
setts,  a  powerful  tribe  living  just  over  against  him  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  Bay,  and  whose  Sachem  was  Canonicus, 
were  hostile  to  the  Wampanoags.1  Mourt  says,  "  We  cannot 
but  judge  that  he  is  more  willing  to  be  at  peace  with  us  be- 
cause he  has  a  potent  adversary  who  is  at  war  with  him, 
against  whom  he  thinks  we  may  be  some  strength,  our  pieces 
being  terrible  to  them."  It  was  certainly  fortunate  for  the 
Plymothians  that  Massasoit  was  ready  in  his  friendship,  and 
that  he  proved  to  be  an  unsophisticated,  sincere,  and  honora- 
ble man.  Though  "  a  pagan,"  he  was  a  man  of  peace,  in- 
tegrity, and  of  much  excellence  of  character. 

1  The  jurisdiction  of  Canonicus  was  along  the  sea-coast  from  Stonington 
around  Point  Judith  and  including  Narragansett  Bay.  His  tribe  consisted  of 
several  lesser  communities  united. 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  eldest  son  of  Massasoit  was  Wamsutta,  who  was 
soon  suspected  of  not  being  so  friendly  towards  the  white 
people  as  had  been  his  father.1  It  was  finally  "  thought  that 
Wamsutta  was  conspiring  with  the  Narragansetts  against  the 
Colonists,  and  in  1662  it  was  determined  to  watch  opportunity 
and  bring  about  a  better  understanding  with  him."?  For  this 
purpose  Major  Winslow  was  dispatched  with  a  company  to 
Wamsutta's  hunting-house,  with  orders  to  bring  him  to  Plym- 
outh.2 Wamsutta  was  accordingly  surprised,  captured,  and 
unceremoniously  hurried  to  the  quarters  of  Major  Collier  in 
Majshfield.3 

'Wamsutta  was  highly  indignant  at  the  arrest.  He  had 
only  eight  men  and  a  few  squaws  in  attendance  at  the  time. 
He  did  not  refuse  to  obey.  His  only  and  simple  request  was 
that  he  be  permitted  to  go  like  a  prince,  attended  by  suite 
and  followers.  Threatened  with  instant  death,  a  pistol  at  his 
breast,  if  he  did  not  without  further  remonstrance  accom- 
pany the  captors,  the  noble  chief,  son  and  successor  of  the 
old  and  faithful  friend  of  the  colony  in  the  time  of  its  feeble- 
ness, was  made  a  prisoner  under  circumstances  which  rendered 
him  utterly  defenseless.  The  indignity  had  been  entirely  un- 
apprehended. He  saw  the  English  coming,  but  was  not  con- 
scious of  wrong  intended.  Under  his  own  shelter  and  at 
breakfast,  he  continued  his  meal  and  thought  of  no  measures 
to  secure  even  the  arms  belonging  to  his  people  and  placed 

1  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  a  little  before  the  decease  of  Massasoit,  he  came  into 
court  at  Plymouth  with  his  eldest  son,  and,  for  himself  and  son,  their  heirs  and 
successors,  renewed  the  afore  recited  league  of  March  22,  1620-1. 

2  Middleborough  was,  doubtless,  the  locality  of  the  hunting-house.  It  was  one 
of  the  Sachem's  principal  resorts. 

8  Governor  Prince  was  in  Eastham. 


20  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

outside  the  house.  He  now  saw  he  must  go.  And  so  much 
did  he  feel  the  wrong  inflicted  on  him,  that  he  u  fell  sick  on 
the  way,  of  a  fever."  So  it  is  cautiously  expressed  by  the 
chroniclers  of  the  outrage.1  J 

Arrived  at  Marshfield  and,  as  he  believed,  in  the  relentless 
hands  of  false  accusers,  and  tossed  day  and  night  by  a  burning 
fever,  and  feeling  the  throbs  of  a  well-nigh  broken  heart,  he 
became  naturally  anxious  for  the  comforts  of  home  and  the 
sympathies  of  his  own  people.  Pleading  his  necessities  and 
pledging  his  word  that  he  would  appear  at  the  next  court  to 
be  holden  at  Plymouth  and  then  and  there  answer  to  the 
charge  against  him,  the  sick  and  dying  man  was  permitted  to 
go  free.  But  already  had  his  illness  advanced  too  far  to 
justify  his  hope  of  reaching  home.  He  attempted,  but  died 
on  the  way ! 

In  order  to  palliate  the  seizing  of  Wamsutta  and  the  dis- 
courtesy and  cruel  treatment  he  received,  it  has  been  said  by 
writers  to  whom  the  chief  had  of  course  no  opportunity  to 
reply,  ("  There  were  probably  weighty  reasons  which  influenced 
the  sagacious  and  high-minded  Wamsutta  ;  and  in  his  delib- 
erations with  Annawan,  Uncopom,  Tispaquin,  and  Nimrod, 
could  they  have  been  made  known,  we  would  probably  have 
found  that  high  topics  of  national  interest  were  discussed,  and 
that  Metacomet  contemplated  with  solicitude  the  rapid  growth 
of  the  new  people  whom  his  father  had  admitted  into  his 
domain,  whose  settlements  had  advanced  to  his  very  door, 
and  that  Wamsutta  was  indignant  at  the  humble  condition 
to  which  he  and  his  people  were  being  reduced."  This  is  all 
plausible,  but  not  history.  It  is  conjecture  whose  probability 
should  be  weighed.     Facts  only,  suffice. 

It  has  also  been  supposed  that  Massasoit  participated  in 
this  same  anxiety  long  before  his  decease  ;  although  Hutchin- 
son says  that  "  for  many  years  together  the  colonists  were 
under  no  great  concern  for  the  Indians,  Massasoit  always 
courting  the  friendship  of  the  English." 

1  Mr.  Mather  relates  that  "  Major  "YVinslow  and  ten  other  men  seized  Alex- 
ander"  (such  was  the  name  given  by  the  English  to  Wamsutta)  "  and  when  the 
raging  Sachem  saw  a  pistol  at  his  breast  with  a  threatening  of  death  if  he  did  not 
quietly  yield,  he  went,  though  not  very  quietly ;  the  increased  fury  of  his  own 
haughty  mind  threw  him  into  such  a  fever  as  cost  his  life." 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  21 

Still,  that  the  colonists  had  made  no  very  favorable  impres- 
sion on  the  mind  of  Massasoit  in  regard  to  their  religion  or 
its  influence  on  character,  is  fairly  inferable  from  the  fact  re- 
corded by  Hubbard,  that  "  Massasoit,  just  before  his  death, 
when  disposing  of  some  lands,  insisted  on  this  as  a  condition, 
namely,  that  the  English  shall  never  attempt  to  draw  off  any 
of  my  people  from  their  religion  to  Christianity." 

Metacomet,  the  brother  of  Wamsutta,  sometimes  called 
Pomatocum,  but  better  known  by  early  settlers  as  "  King 
Philip,"  succeeded.  It  has  already  been  intimated,  it  was  a 
custom  for  Sachems  to  have  various  and  fancy  names.  Sub- 
stitutes of  English  names  for  Massasoit's  sons  were  imposed 
in  1656,  by  Governor  Prince,  at  the  time  of  their  confirming 
the  treaty  or  league  which  had  been  made  by  their  father. 
The  Governor  had  probably  in  mind  Alexander  and  Philip  of 
Macedon.  We  shall  prefer  conceding  to  these  noted  Indians 
the  names  which  are  legitimate. 

Before  proceeding  further,  it  is  necessary,  that  we  may 
rightly  judge  of  the  feelings  of  Wampanoags  towards  the 
English,  and  of  the  thought  and  feeling  of  the  English  to- 
wards Indians,  to  go  back  a  little  and  mark  some  occurrences 
not  only  prior  to  Massasoit's  decease,  but  in  earlier  periods  of 
colonial  acquaintance.  We  shall  have  occasion,  by  and  by, 
with  the  same  end  in  view,  to  notice  occurrences  anterior  to 
the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth. 

After  the  friendly  visit  of  Massasoit,  March  22,  1621,  an 
invitation  of  long  standing,  sent  by  a  deputation,  requesting 
that  the  Great  Sachem  might  be  allowed  to  reciprocate  at  his 
own  residence  the  hospitalities  of  Governor  Carver  and  the 
Plymouth  people,  was  thought  worthy  of  acceptance,  and  Mr. 
Edward  Winslow  and  Mr.  Stephen  Hopkins  were  deputed 
July  2,  1621,  to  return  the  visit.  Mr.  Secretary  Morton, 
with  others,  enlightens  us  in  regard  to  the  friendly  and  dis- 
interested nature  of  the  embassy.  The  two  deputies  were 
instructed  to  "  take  Squanto,  as  guide  and  interpreter,  and, 
bearing  gratuities  to  bestow  on  Massasoit  to  bind  him  faster, 
go  and  view  his  country,  see  where  he  lives,  take  notice  of  the 
strength  he  has,  procure  corn  for  seed,"  and  report. 

The  report  of   the   deputies  is   interesting.     Their   "  first 


22  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

stopping-place  was  Nemasket,  where  they  were  received  by 
the  natives  with  great  joy  and  gladly  entertained."  The 
Indians  set  before  the  newly  arrived  guests  "  bread  called 
maizum  and  finely  cooked  roes  of  shad."  This  place  was  in 
Middleborough.  "  At  sunset  the  deputies  found  themselves 
eight  miles  further  on  their  way,  where  many  Nemasket 
people  were  busily  employed  in  fishing."  These  Indians  also 
"  welcomed  them,  and  gave  them  lodging.  The  next  day, 
accompanied  by  six  volunteer  Indians,  they  reached  Pokano- 
ket.  f"  Massasoit  was  absent,  but,  soon  returning,  gave  his 
visitors  a  hearty  greeting.  He  listened  attentively  to  the 
message  they  brought,  accepted  the  presents,  and  took  occa- 
sion generously  to  assure  the  deputies  that  he  would  cheer- 
fully continue  the  peace  and  friendship  to  which  he  was 
pledged.  The  next  day,  many  sachems,  or  petty  governors, 
came  to  pay  their  respects."  The  Great  Sachem,  desirous  of 
showing  all  possible  civilities  to  his  Plymouth  friends,  invited 
them  to  "  witness  games  and  dances."  1 

The  deputies  returning  to  Plymouth,  reported  that  they 
had  been  "  kindly  entertained  wherever  they  went."  Many 
incidents  of  their  visit  seemed  worthy  of  mention.2  The  six 
Indians  who  had  volunteered  to  be  escort  from  Titicut,  were 
of  great  assistance  in  crossing  rivers  and  in  carrying  the  guns 
and  overcoats  of  their  white  friends. 

Having  tarried  with  Massasoit  a  second  night,  and  now 
preparing  to  return  to  Plymouth,  "  Massasoit  detached 
Squanto  as  best  qualified  to  assist  in  procuring  truck,  and 
appointed  in  his  place  as  guide,  Tockamahamon,  whom  the 
deputies  found  on  all  occasions  faithful." 

The  deputies  departed  to  the  Weir,  which  had  been  their 
first  stopping-place  on  their  way  to  Pokanoket,  and  the  next 

1  The  Indians  had  no  public  library,  theatre,  or  other  notable  institutions  to 
which  to  invite  them. 

2  Among  these  incidents  which  seemed  worthy  of  mention,  was  this  :  that  at  a 
certain  fording-place  they  were  struck  with  the  valorous  bearing  of  two  savages 
on  opposite  sides  of  a  river.  They  were  very  aged,  and  were  the  only  persons 
surviving  at  that  place.  Being  confronted  at  the  river-bank,  each  charged  hig 
bow  and  demanded  if  the  deputies  were  enemies.  Finding  them  professed  friends, 
these  aged  Indians  quickly  welcomed  them  to  their  houses  and  set  before  them 
such  food  as  they  had. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  23 

night  reached  their  home  in  Plymouth,  bringing  with  them 
particulars  respecting  which  they  had  been  instructed  to  in- 
quire.1 

A  caricature  of  Massasoit's  address  to  the  concourse  as- 
sembled to  do  honor  to  his  guests  the  deputies  of  the  Plym- 
outh government,  and,  ex  consequentia,  entitled  to  dignity 
conceded  to  the  crown,  is  extant,  and,  although  it  may  be 
thought  somewhat  grandific,  we  present  it  with  the  expec- 
tation that  its  grandiloquence  will  be  pardoned  by  all  who 
consider  the  Great  Sachem's  special  object  on  this  occasion 
was  to  gratify  the  Plymotheans  by  encouraging  and  inciting 
his  people  to  trade  and  friendly  intercourse. 

Business  being  arranged,  Massasoit  addressed  his  people  on 
this  wise :  "  Am  I  not  Massasoit,  commander  of  all  the  coun- 
try around  ?  "  Then  naming  at  least  thirty  places,  at  the 
mention  of  each  of  which,  and  in  reply  to  every  interrogatory, 
there  came  an  answer  of  assent,  with  vociferous  applause,  he 
asked,  "  Will  you  not,  all  of  you,  bring  in  skins  for  trade, 
with  the  English?" 

After  this  formality,  the  Sachem  proceeded  to  light  pipes 
for  the  deputies,  and  to  discourse  a  la  diplomatique  about 
England  and  its  king.  He  expressed  "  surprise  that  brother 
James  lived  without  a  wife  !  "  Mentioning  incidentally  the 
French,  it  became  evident  that  the  Sachem  cherished  for  that 
nationality  no  very  favorable  regard.  He  even  expressed 
opinion  that  "  James  ought  not  to  allow  that  people  to  come 
here." 

We  will  mention  as  further  evidence  of  kindly  feeling  on 
the  part  of  the  Indians,  that  very  soon  after  the  departure  of 
the  deputies  to  Plymouth,  July,  1621,  a  white  boy,  John  BiU 
lington  by  name,  became  lost  in  the  woods,  and  the  Governor 
of  Plymouth  caused  diligent  inquiry  for  the  lost  boy  to  be  in- 
stituted among  the  Indians.  Massasoit  also  caused  extended 
search  to  be  made,  and  was  enabled  at  last  to  send  word  to  the 
Governor  that  the  missing  boy  had  turned  up  at  Nauset.2  The 
i  The  deputies  thought  "  Massasoit's  people  were  not  so  numerous  as  formerly, 
having  been  diminished  by  mortality  some  years  previous."  They  reported  that 
"  the  Narragansetts  escaped  the  plague  and  were  numerous  and  strong." 

2  After  wandering  five  days,  subsisting  on  berries,  the  boy  had  come  first  to 
the  Indian  plantation  of  Monimet,  twenty  miles  south  of  Plymouth,  and  from 


24  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

Governor,  on  receiving  this  information,"  dispatched  Squanto 
and  Tockamahamon,  as  guides  and  interpreters,  in  a  shallop 
with  ten  other  men  to  fetch  the  boy." 

On  their  way  the  shallop  was  compelled  to  anchor  at  night 
in  an  arm  of  the  bay,  and  the  next  morning  found  that  the 
ebbing  tide  had  left  the  vessel  aground.  Indians  across  the 
channel  were  beckoning.  Those  Indians  had  come  down  to 
the  shore  to  invite  the  occupants  of  the  shallop  to  come  over 
to  them  and  eat,  as  soon  as  the  returning  tide  would  permit 
the  shallop  to  float.  In  good  time  still  other  messengers  pre- 
sented themselves,  sent  by  the  Sachem  of  Commaquid  whose 
residence  was  near  by.1  Aiming  to  be  prudently  cautious, 
always  suspicious,  the  shallop's  crew  arranged  to  retain  as  hos- 
tages four  Indians,  and  to  have  six  of  the  crew  go  with  the 
messengers  and  visit  Iyanough  agreeably  to  invitation.  They 
reported  "  The  Sachem  is  a  man  very  personable,  gentle, 
courteous,  and  fair-conditioned,  about  twenty-six  years  of  age, 
indeed  not  like  a  savage  except  his  attire.  He  gave  us  plen- 
teous and  various  cheer." 

After  a  generous  repast,  which  Mourt  says  "  was  an  enter- 
tainment answerable  to  his  part,"  the  Sachem  volunteered  to 
accompany,  with  two  of  his  men,  the  whole  party.  The  civ- 
ility was  gladly  accepted,  and  soon  the  shallop  was  again  under 
weigh  for  Nauset ;  but,  the  tide  not  favoring,  and  the  harbor 
being  shallow,  the  vessel  grounded  again.  In  this  dilemma, 
Iyanough  proposed  through  Squanto,  the  interpreter,  to  send 
Squanto  by  land  to  Nauset  with  a  message  to  Aspinet,  the 
Sachem  of  the  settlement.  Aspinet,  on  receiving  the  mes- 
sage acquainting  him  with  the  errand  of  the  comers,  came 
promptly  to  the  shallop  with  a  train  of  one  hundred  men,  and 
brought  the  boy.  One  of  the  Nauset  men  unhesitatingly 
waded  to  the  shallop,  bearing  on  his  shoulders  the  joyous 
youth  decorated  with  ornaments,  and  delivered  him  to  his 
friends. 

The  "  Sachem  embraced  the  opportunity  thus  presented  to 

that  place  had  made  his  way  to  that  very  people  in  Eastham  who  had,  the 
December  previous,  a  conflict  with  predatory  excursionists  from  the  Mayflower, 
an  event  which  the  Pilgrims  were  wont  to  call  "  the  first  encounter." 

1  Commaquid  was  the  country  lying  between  Barnstable  harbor  and  Yar- 
mouth.    By  bay,  harbor  is  meant. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  25 

make  peace,  and  received  in  acknowledgment  of  his  services, 
a  knife,  and  accepted  one  for  the  Indian  who  had  kindly  en- 
tertained the  boy." 

When  it  is  considered  that  only  a  few  years  previous  In- 
dians had  been  treacherously  captured  from  the  Nauset  tribe, 
we  cannot  but  admire  the  pacific  and  friendly  disposition,  not 
to  say  forbearance,  now  manifest.  "  One  woman,  more  than 
a  hundred  years  old,  was  present  on  this  occasion,  who  had 
lost  by  Hunt's  perfidy  her  three  sons  which  were  her  whole 
family.  She  had  never  until  now  seen  an  Englishman,  and 
wept  with  great  lamentation  for  the  loss  of  her  boys.  An 
attempt  was  made  to  comfort  her  by  the  assurance  that  Hunt 
was  a  bad  Englishman,  but  that  the  Plymouth  people  were 
good  friends." 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Iyanough  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity  to  signify 
friendly  adhesion  to  the  colonists,  and  was  offered  some  tri- 
fling presents  as  a  return  for  corn  which  had  long  before  been 
taken  by  predatory  gentlemen  from  his  granary.  "  This 
Sachem  was  particularly  distinguished  by  his  comely  appear- 
ance and  courteous  manners.  Were  he  not  a  savage,"  it 
would  have  been  thought  his  deportment  indicated  true  great- 
ness, great  goodness,  and  even  refined  sensibilities. 

Mention  of  Hobbamoc,  a  chief  captain  of  Massasoit,  must 
not  be  omitted.  "  He  repaired  to  Plymouth,  July  1621,  to 
live  among  the  new  settlers."  Described  by  Morton,  as  "  a 
proper  and  lusty  young  man  of  great  account  for  his  valor," 
it  is  further  chronicled  of  him,  that  "  he  continued  faithful 
and  constant  to  the  English  to  his  death  and  did  much  to 
ensue  the  things  that  make  for  peace." 

It  may  well  be  questioned  how  far  the  spirit  of  adventure 
and  speculation  which  at  a  very  early  day  had  exhibited  itself 
among  New  England  settlers,  helped  to  fan  suspicions,*  and 
urge  aggressions.  It  was  no  stretch  of  charity  in  favor  of  In- 
dians which  led  some  good  people  early  to  concede  this,  and 
in  days  of  what  were  called  "  Indian  troubles,"  to  write,  "  It 
has  been  supposed,  not  without  good  reason,  that  Indian  hos- 
tility was  not  altogether  unprovoked." 

It  cannot  be  concealed  that  aggressions  on  the  part  of  the 
white  man  commenced  at  the  very  first  of  his  intercourse  with 
the  natives  and  that  such  wrongs  were  unintermitted.  That 
was  a  startling  suggestion  made  in  one  of  our  leading  period- 
icals some  few  years  ago,  by  the  question,  "  Did  the  Pilgrims 
wrong  the  Indians  ?  "  The  interrogatory  was  prefortified  by 
the  adjunct,  "Nobody  must  feel  obliged  to  believe  that  our 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  27 

Puritan  fathers  abused  the  Indians,  merely  because  somebody 
has  said  so  ;  for  somebody  else  has  said  exactly  the  contrary." : 
It  is  an  irreversible  record  made  also  in  another  publication 
of  the  day,  "  Righteousness  sitting  on  the  throne  of  judgment 
long  since  decided  the  question  of  equity ;  and,  in  viewing 
the  same  at  a  distance,  we  cannot  fail  to  discover  the  true 
verdict."  2 

That  may  be  painful  which,  as  faithful  to  history,  we  are 
called  to  record,  but  must  truth  therefore  be  ignored  ?  /  Mak- 
ing no  needless  mention  of  the  experience  of  Squanto  and 
his  twenty-six  fellow-captives,  the  remembrance  of  which 
wrong  could  not  have  left  on  the  minds  of  the  natives  a  favor- 
able impression  of  the  humanity  or  justice  of  the  white  man, 
passing  by  other  flagrant  wrongs  and  confining  the  retrospect 
to  the  treatment  Indians,  from  the  date  of  the  arrival  in  1620, 
received,  it  is  simple  justice  to  confess  that,  according  to  the 
journals  of  the  white  men  themselves,  there  was  practiced 
towards  the  Indians  an  almost  constant  succession  of  wanton 
and  oppressive  acts  —  many  of  them  of  great  turpitude  and 
unmitigated  cruelty,  entirely  unreconcilable  with  any  views 
of  humanity,  justice,  honor,  or  morality,  cherished  by  good 
men  at  the  present  day.  Chalmers  in  his  political  annals  has 
remarked,  "  Had  the  tribes  any  other  mode  of  acquiring  ex- 
perience than  from  the  tradition  of  their  fathers,  what  a 
school  of  knowledge,  moral  and  political,  would  colonial  rec- 
ords open  to  their  research  ! "  The  suggestion  will  appear 
more  pertinent  as  we  proceed. 

The  first  Indians  seen  by  the  company  who  arrived  in  the 
Mayflower,  were  not  treated  with  decorum.  Moored  in  Cape 
Cod  harbor,  November  11,  1620,  sixteen  men  were  selected 
to  go  on  shore,  well  armed  with  musket,  sword,  and  corselets, 
under  command  of  Capt.  Miles  Standish.  Mourt  says  "  the 
willingness  of  the  people  was  liked,  but  the  thing  itself,  in  re- 
gard to  the  danger,  was  rather  permitted  than  approved. 
With  cautions,  directions,  and  instructions,  they  set  out,  and 
adjoined  to  them  to  counsel  and  advise,  were  William  Brad- 
ford, Stephen  Hopkins,  and  Edward  Tilley.     The  men,  or- 

1  Vide  Congregational  Quarterly,  1859,  pp.  129,  131. 

2  Field  Book  of  the  Revolution. 


28  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

dering  themselves  in  single  file  and  marching  along  the  shore 
about  a  mile  in  Truro,  espied  five  or  six  savages  and  a  dog 
coming  towards  them.  The  Indians  "  not  liking  the  appear- 
ance of  armed  men,  whistled  to  their  dog  and  ran  into  the 
woods."  Being  pursued,  they  still  ran,  and  "  were  chased  un- 
til night,  when  their  pursuers  camped  out."  Early  next  morn- 
ing the  determined  Standish  was  again  on  the  track,  but  the 
Indians  were  too  swift  for  him. 

The  adventurers  discovered  "  plantations  where  corn  had 
been  grown,  and  a  house  with  granary  and  place  of  sepulchres. 
These  they  violated,1  appropriating  treasures  taken  from  both. 
It  is  a  sad  record,  although  Mourt  relates  that  u  the  company 
intended  to  satisfy  the  Indians  for  the  depredation,  should 
they  find  any  of  the  people  and  come  to  a  parley  with  them." 
From  this  hour  the  reader  will  naturally  expect  the  company 
to  be  scrupulous  about  plundering  granaries,  or  desecrating 
graves,  but  Mr.  Mourt  continues,  "  We  found  also  a  great 
kettle  which  had  been  a  ship's  kettle  brought  from  Europe  ;  a 
basket  full  of  fair  corn  of  this  year,  with  some  thirty-six 
goodly  ears  of  corn,  —  some  yellow,  some  red,  others  mixed 
with  blue,  which  was  a  goodly  sight."  2  The  basket  held 
about  three  or  four  bushels.  We  took  all  the  ears,  and  put  a 
good  deal  of  loose  corn  in  the  kettle  for  two  men  to  bring 
away  on  a  staff  ;  besides,  they  that  could  put  any  in  their 
pockets  filled  the  same." 

Whilst  engaged  in  these  explorations,  as  they  were  called,  a 
sentry  was  placed  in  a  circle  around  the  party.  Conscience 
was  not  entirely  at  rest.  Subsequently  securing  ten  bushels 
more  of  corn,  and  also  a  bag  of  beans,  they  regarded  the  suc- 
cess as  "  God's  good  providence,  for  we  knew  not  how  we 
should  find  or  meet  with  any  Indians  except  to  do  us  mis- 
chief." 

Not  immediately  finding  their  way  back  to  their  boat,  "  they 
erected  barricades  and   kept  watch,  sentinels  standing  with 

1  They  "thoroughly  explored  the  grave,  but  being  ancient  and  the  implements 
buried  with  the  dead  being  decayed,  we  put  the  bow  again  in  its  place,  made  the 
grave  up  as  it  was,  and  left  the  rest  untouched,  because  we  thought  it  would  be 
odious  to  them  to  ransack  the  sepulchres." 

2  The  ears  had  been  doubtless  reserved  by  Indians  for  seed. 


Z  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  29 

matches  burning  all  night  in  readiness  for  the  matchlocks; 
whilst,  to  intimidate  the  owners  of  the  spoils,  the  party  were 
now  and  then  shooting  their  pieces." 

(Indians  had,  during  previous  years,  learned  something  con- 
cerning the  white  man's  spirit,  by  intercourse  with  fishermen, 
traders,  voyagers,  and  adventurers  on  the  coast.  The  May- 
flower company  seem  to  have  been  possessed  with  an  idea  that  .// 
Indians  must  be  met  by  formidable  demonstrations,  and  that 
it  was  right  to  treat  as  outlaws  a  people  called  savages.  The 
apparent  boldness  of  the  explorers'  acts  cannot  be  regarded  as 
better  than  temerity  associated  with  cowardly  fear. 

Is  the  morality  or  the  policy  of  such  transactions  an  open 
question?  Able  dissertations  on  this  subject  have  been  writ- 
ten.    We  simply  submit  the  query. 

The  next  excursion  from  the  Mayfloiver  consisted  of  a 
party  of  thirty -four.  Taking  the  ship's  shallop  with  a  view 
to  more  discoveries,  but  particularly  to  secure  the  balance  of 
corn  at  the  place  last  visited,  after  an  exciting  exercise  of 
shooting  geese  and  ducks,  as  they  sailed  along,  they  landed 
at  the  intended  destination,  and  not  only  found  and  secured 
the  corn,  but  found  and  took  from  other  granaries  corn  and 
beans  in  abundance.  They  also  found  another  burying-place, 
in  which  was  a  tomb  of  evident  distinction.  This  tomb  they 
ransacked,  having  thus  suddenly  become  less  scrupulous  about 
disturbing  and  despoiling  graves.  The  tomb  contained  the 
remains  of  a  man  and  child,  with  mats,  bowls,  trays,  and 
other  dishes,  also  trinkets,  and  a  trident.  Possibly  some 
wrecked  seaman  had,  through  the  attention  of  the  natives, 
been  buried  here.1 

The  excursionists  "  discovered  also  houses  lately  dwelt  in, 
but  the  people  were  gone."  These  houses  were,  probably, 
simply  wigwams,  but,  as  was  evident  from  their  construction 
and  surroundings,  indicated  considerable  advance  from  mere 
savage  life.  "In  the  houses  were  wooden  bowls  and  other 
dishes,  trays,  earthen  pots,  hand-baskets  made  of  clam-shells 
wrought  together,  other  baskets  — some  curiously  with  black  . 
and  white,  and  sundry  of  household  stuff."     They  found  also 

i  "  About  the  legs  of  the  child  were  strings  and  bracelets  of  fine  white  beads, 
and  near  the  body  was  a  little  bow  with  odd  knacks." 


30  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

"  the  remains  of  a  deer  newly  killed,  pieces  of  broiled  fish, 
baskets  of  parched  acorns,  silk-grass,  tobacco-seed,  and  other 
seeds  which  they  knew  not.  Outside  were  bundles  of  flags 
and  other  stuff  for  making  mats ;  also  horns  and  feet  of  deer, 
eagle's  claws,  and  such  like  things  stuck  up  on  the  houses. 
Seething-pots  were  hung  over  the  fire-places,  and  in  the 
houses  beds  were  arranged." 

It  is  added,  "  We  dare  not  stay ;  but  some  of  the  best 
things  we  took  away  with  us  and  hasted  to  the  shallop  and 
got  aboard  the  Mayflower  that  night."  It  is  not  surprising 
that  they  dare  not  stay.  The  usual  occupants  of  those  dwell- 
ings were  probably  near,  having  hastily  retired  at  the  ap- 
proach of  a  supposed  formidable  enemy.  Mourt  tells  us  that 
"  the  excursionists  having  fire-arms  and  hearing  no  one,  en- 
tered the  houses."  The  whole  proceeding  seems  to  have 
been  meanly  base.  It  is  evident,  and  furnishes  one  redeem- 
ing consideration,  viz.,  that  the  consciences  of  the  marauders 
were  not  entirely  seared,  for  it  is  added,  "  We  intended  to 
have  brought  some  beads  and  other  things,  to  have  left  in  the 
houses,  in  sign  of  peace,  and  that  we  meant  to  truck  with 
them ;  but  it  was  not  done,  on  account  of  our  hasty  coming 
away  from  Cape  Cod.  As  soon  as  we  can  conveniently  meet 
with  them  we  will  give  them  full  satisfaction."  1 

When  the  corn  had  all  been  sent  to  the  ship,  the  explorers, 
pursuing  Indian  paths,  thought  they  were  approaching  an  In- 
dian town.  "  We  lighted  our  matches  and  prepared  ourselves, 
but  we  found  no  town  nor  saw  any  Indians."  Again  the  ex- 
cursionists "  left  the  ship,  and  in  a  boat  coasted  six  or  seven 
leagues  until  they  espied  ten  or  twelve  Indians  on  the  shore 
cutting  up  a  grampus.  Emboldened  by  experience,  they  un- 
hesitatingly landed,  whereupon  the  Indians  ran  away.  The 
next  morning,  following  the  track  a  long  distance  they  came 
to  a  plantation  near  which  was  "  a  great  burying-place  with 

i  Bradford's  Plymouth  Plantation  says:  "As  we  did  to  their  good  content 
about  six  months  afterward."  Such,  is  the  Pilgrim  record.  The  record  written 
on  the  hearts  of  Indians  we  are  unable  to  quote.  Expletives  and  various  at- 
tempts to  excuse  or  justify  infamous  deeds  show  that  the  morality  and  policy  of 
such  transactions  was  at  best  subject  of  after-thought.  The  records,  made  long 
after  the  event,  appear  to  be  an  effort  to  exonerate  the  actors  from  blame.  The 
effort  tells  that  the  public  estimate  is  feared. 


♦,  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  31 

palisades  around  it,  like  a  churchyard.  Some  of  the  graves 
also  were  paled  and  were  more  sumptuous  than  any  seen 
before.     Some  had  houses,  like  monuments,  built  over  them." 

Here,  encamping  for  the  night,  the  excursionists,  with  due 
precaution,  erected  a  barricade  and  posted  sentinels.  About 
midnight  an  alarm  was  sounded,  and  a  consultation  held,  but, 
after  firing  a  couple  of  muskets,  it  was  concluded  that  the 
noise  the  sentry  had  heard  was  only  the  howling  of  wolves. 
In  the  morning,  "  whilst  thinking  it  meet  to  carry  our  things 
to  the  shallop,  we  were  surprised  by  the  discovery  that  our 
company  were  really  in  the  vicinity  of  Indians.  The  same 
cry  was  heard  as  the  night  before,  and  one  of  our  company 
came  running,  and  shouting,  *  Indians  !  Indians  !  '  Quickly 
firing  and  putting  our  guns  in  order,  a  shower  of  arrows  fell. 
The  cry  of  the  Indians  was  dreadful.  One,  a  lusty  man,  who 
was  thought  to  be  the  Indian  captain,  stood  behind  a  tree  and 
let  his  arroAvs  fly.  He  withstood  three  musket  shots,  but  at 
last  one  of  the  company  taking  full  aim  at  him,  he  gave  an 
extraordinary  cry  and  away  all  the  Indians  went.  Captain 
Standish  made  a  shot ;  another  after  him  ;  and  after  them 
two  more  were  ready ;  but  Captain  Standish  wished  us  not 
to  shoot  until  we  could  take  good  aim.  We  shouted  all 
together  two  several  times,  and  shot  off  muskets,  that  the 
Indians  might  see  we  were  not  afraid  of  them.  And  so  we 
returned." 

This  is  what  the  Pilgrims  have  called  "  The  first  encoun- 
ter." The  narrator  of  these  events  says,  "  Thus  it  pleased 
God  to  vanquish  our  enemies." 

When  it  is  considered  that  not  only  Standish,  but  Carver, 
Bradford,  Winslow,  Howland,  Warren,  and  Clark  were  of 
this  large  company  of  marauders,  we  are  astonished.  That 
Indians  of  the  tribe  from  which  Hunt  had  kidnapped  were 
distrustful  of  the  explorers  would  not  have  been  strange,  even 
had  there  been  no  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  explorers  to 
make  a  formidable  and  hostile  demonstration,  and  had  they 
paid  proper  respect  to  the  property  of  occupants  of  the  soil.1 

1  It  may  be  remembered  that  the  troubles  which  Captain  Smith  and  other  first 
settlers  at  Jamestown  experienced  were  not  altogether  unprovoked.  In  the  pre- 
vious unsuccessful  attempt  at  a  settlement,  a  leader  of  the  adventure  slew  a  Sa- 


32  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

Our  surprise  is,  that  Indians  were  so  slow  of  resentment  and 
so  forbearing.  Mr.  Bancroft  has  well  remarked,  "  The  Indians 
knew  the  English  only  as  kidnappers." 

It  was  not  until  December  11, 1620,  that  Plymouth  Harbor 
was  sounded.  On  going  ashore  the  explorers  "  found  diverse 
cornfields,"  but  no  Indians.  After  the  final  landing,  some 
few  Indians  showed  themselves  "  afar  off,  but  whenever  the 
settlers  endeavored  to  come  near,  Indians  ran  away."  Mr. 
Morton,  in  the  "  Memorial  "  published  in  1669,  recites  ill-treat- 
ment the  Indians  received,  and  frankly  says,  "  These  things 
were  partly  the  reasons  why  the  Indians  kept  aloof  and  why 
it  was  so  long  ere  we  could  come  to  speak  to  any  of  them."  a 

chem  and  killed  or  took  captive  other  Indians.  Besides  all  this,  Sir  Kichard 
Grenville  burned  a  whole  Indian  town  and  destroyed  stores  of  corn  in  revenge 
for  the  supposed  petty  theft  of  a  cup !  Indians  ought  not  to  be  expected  to  forget 
6uch  enormities.  Constituted  as  is  human  nature,  whether  savage  or  civilized, 
impressions  made  by  gross  outrages  will  long  remain. 

1  Washington  Irving  says,  "  Indians  are  remarkable  for  the  reverence  which 
they  entertain  for  the  sepulchres  of  their  kindred.  Tribes  exiled  for  generations 
from  the  former  abode  of  their  ancestors,  have  been  known  to  turn  aside  from  the 
highway,  and  guided  by  wonderfully  accurate  tradition,  have  crossed  the  country 
perhaps  for  miles,  to  some  locality,  —  perhaps  hill,  buried  in  woods,  where  the 
ashes  of  their  tribe  was  originally  deposited,  and  have  there  passed  hours  in 
silent  meditation." 

"  In  early  records  may  be  seen  that  planters  at  Passonagesit  having  defaced 
monuments  of  the  dead,  and  plundered  the  grave  of  a  Sachem's  mother  of  some 
skins  with  which  the  grave  had  been  decorated,  the  Sachem,  influenced  by  sub- 
lime and  holy  feeling,  gathered  his  men  and  addressed  them  in  simple  and 
pathetic  language  of  filial  piety  and  Indian  eloquence."  We  may  not  quote  his 
whole  speech,  but  the  gist  of  it  is,  that  he  dreamed  his  mother  came  and  re- 
proached him  for  allowing  the  desecration. 

"It  is  notorious  that  injury  offered  to  any  great  patriarchal  family  is  sacrilege 
felt  by  all.  What  is  sometimes  attributed  to  caprice  arises  from  deep  and  gener- 
ous motives." 


CHAPTER  V. 

We  have  seen  what  was  the  character  of  the  first  acquain- 
tance of  the  Indians  with  the  white  men,  and  how  the  first 
English  settlers  were  received  by  those  who  were,  of  right, 
owners  of  the  soil. 

We  have  also  seen  the  great  Massasoit,  Metacomet's  father, 
in  friendly  alliance  with  the  English.  The  kindly  greeting 
and  unwearied  faithfulness  of  Samoset  has  been  noticed ;  the 
activity  and  never-failing  subserviency  of  Squanto ;  the  de- 
votion of  Hobbamoc ;  and  the  pacific  bearing  of  many  a  red 
man  who  might  have  been  justified  in  standing  aloof  from  the 
newcomers,  suspicious,  exacting,  and  unforgiving  as  were  those 
whom  he  befriended  and  succored. 

A  chief  object  in  gleaning  from  all  sources  at  command  and 
presenting  in  order  the  various  prominent  occurrences  which 
reveal  the  attitude  and  actual  bearing  of  parties,  is  that  in 
entering  now  on  the  history  of  the  War  of  1675-6,  Metacomet 
and  his  accusers  may  occupy  before  the  eye  of  the  mind  their 
true  position,  the  quo  animo  of  each  apparent.  In  this  duty 
we  now  proceed. 

Soon  after  Hobbamoc  came  to  reside  with  the  settlers,  July 
1621,  an  unfortunate  occurrence,  mentioned  in  the  records  of 
the  day,  is  thus  summarized  :  Hobbamoc  and  Squanto  hav- 
ing been  dispatched  abroad  on  matters  of  business  —  perhaps 
to  facilitate  trade,  or,  it  may  be,  as  spies,  a  difficulty  arose  be- 
tween them  and  a  Sachem  by  the  name  of  Corbitant.  This 
Sachem  had  been  suspicioned  of  being  "  unfriendly  to  the 
colonists."  The  Plymouth  Governor,  willing  to  vindicate  his 
messengers,  sent  a  company  of  armed  men  under  Captain 
Standish,  into  Corbitant's  country,  which  was  a  neck  of  land 
called  Mattapuyst,  in  the  present  town  of  Swansey.     "  Mr. 


y 


34  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

Winslow  thought  the  Sachem  a  hollow-hearted  friend  and 
notable  politician."  He  was  under  Massasoit,  but  "  Cor- 
bitant's  house  was  besieged  August  14,  1621;  and  effectually 
to  secure  the  object  of  the  adventure,  three  natives,  ignorant 
of  what  had  silently  occurred,  coming  out  of  the  door,  were 
fired  upon  and  wounded."  The  "  Sachem  was  absent,  but 
his  people  were  greatly  incensed  "  by  the  act  of  so  wanton 
hostility,  —  innocent  and  unsuspecting  men  shot  without  the 
least  previous  warning.  "  Hobbamoc  interposed  with  kind 
words.  By  and  by,  the  excitement  subsiding,  the  abused 
Indians  exhibited  a  pacific  and  forgiving  spirit  and  brought 
forward  the  best  entertainment  they  could  offer.  Standish 
and  his  company  breakfasted  in  quiet." 

It  is,  as  before  suggested,  a  remarkable  characteristic  of 
Indian  hospitality,  that  an  Indian's  door  was  ever  open  to 
strangers.  No  hearth  was  known  where  the  friendly  visitor 
was  not  welcome  to  sit  by  its  fire  and  join  in  the  repast. 
Strangely  does  the  provocation  offered  by  Standish  contrast 
with  the  readiness  of  the  injured  to  yield  to  Hobbamoc's  per- 
suasion to  overlook  and  forgive.  The  result  confirms  a  pro- 
verbial maxim,  that  it  is  a  peculiarity  of  the  wrong-doer  rather 
than  of  the  injured,  to  retain  intense  dislike. 

It  is  chronicled  that  "  after  these  events  there  was  much 
firmer  peace,  and  congratulations  were  received  from  divers 
Sachems.  Even  Corbitant  himself  became  reconciled  through 
the  mediation  of  Massasoit." 

The  Sachems,  whose  congratulations  were  proffered,  were 
required  to  subscribe  as  follows :  — 

"  September  13,  1621.  Know  all  men  by  these  presents, 
that  we,  whose  names  are  underwritten,  acknowledge  our- 
selves to  be  loyal  subjects  of  King  James,  King  of  Great 
Britain,  France,  and  Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Faith,"  etc.,  etc. 
This  paper,  whether  comprehended  by  Indians  or  not  (of 
which  there  is  no  certain  information),  was  honored  by  the 
mark  of  Oquamahud,  Caunacum,  Obbatinuet,  Nattawahunt, 
Corbitant,  Chicatabock,  Quadequina,  Hattamoiden,  and  Apan- 
now.  Although  it  has  ever  been  questionable  whether  the 
subscribers  apprehended  the  meaning  of  the  paper,  one  thing 
was  demonstrated,  —  in  process  of  time  they  learned  there 
is  a  meaning  in  what  their  vocabulary  defined  paper  talk. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  35 

It  has  been  mentioned  as  a  matter  of  importance,  that 
"  Canonicus,  chief  Sachem  of  the  Narragansetts,  now  sent  a 
special  messenger  to  the  Governor  to  proffer  friendship ;  and 
that  many  of  the  heads  of  the  different  tribes  did  the  same." 

Notwithstanding  so  propitious  a  state  of  things,  dame  Rumor, 
always  active  and  never  weary,  was  alert.  The  colonists  were 
told  that  "  the  Massachusetts,  of  whom  Obbatinnet  was  Sa- 
chem, often  mutter  threats  against  the  English."  It  was,  there- 
fore, "judged  expedient  to  look  after  the  matter."  So  "  Sep- 
tember 16,  a  shallop  with  ten  men,  accompanied  by  Squanto 
and  two  other  Indians  as  interpreters,  was  sent  to  further  a 
peace,  to  discover  the  bay,  see  the  country,  and  trade  with 
the  natives."  1 

"  Obbatinuet,  who  was  under  the  influence  of  Massasoit, 
received  the  company  with  great  kindness  and  gave  them  the 
best  entertainment  in  his  power."  2  Unsuspicious  and  per- 
fectly friendly,  he  complained  only  of  "  the  Tarrantines,  a 
tribe  living  eastward,  which  was  wont  to  come  annually  at 
harvest-time  and  despoil  his  crop  of  corn.  He  readily  gave 
in  adhesion  to  the  King  of  England,  and  was  promised  that 
the  English  would  be  a  safeguard  to  him  against  all  enemies." 

Early  in  1622,  there  were  "  troublous  rumors."  Intima- 
tions came  from  various  sources,  that  the  Narragansetts  with 

1  Another  account  has  it,  "  Desirous  of  ascertaining  their  strength,  their  par- 
ticular situation  and  circumstances." 

2  The  scene  of  this  adventure  was  what  is  now  Boston  and  vicinity.  Brad- 
ford relates  it  in  these  words :  "  "We  cross  the  bay,  which  is  very  large,  and  seems 
to  have  fifty  islands ;  and  go  three  miles  into  the  country  where  corn  has  been 
gathered  recently.  A  mile  hence  their  late  king,  Nanepashamet,  had  lived  ;  his 
house  built  on  the  top  of  a  hill,  on  a  large  scaffold  six  feet  high.  Not  far  from 
hence,  in  a  bottom,  we  came  to  the  fort  he  had  built,  the  palisades  of  which 
were  thirty  or  forty  feet  high,  with  a  trench  around,  and  only  one  entrance,  and 
that  over  a  bridge.  In  the  midst  of  these  palisades  stands  the  frame  of  a  house 
under  which  he  was  buried.  A  mile  hence  we  came  to  another  house  on  the  top 
of  a  hill ;  it  was  here  that  the  late  king  had  been  killed.  The  natives  fly  from 
us  ;  but  at  last  are  induced  to  meet  us,  and  entertain  us  in  the  best  manner  they 
can.  Having  traded,  and  the  day  being  far  spent,  we  return  to  the  shallop." 
Mr.  Bradford  continues  :  "The  savages  say  that  within  the  bay  (harbor  is  meant) 
are  two  rivers.  One  we  saw  having  a  fair  entrance ;  better  harbor  cannot  be. 
Most  of  the  islands  have  been  inhabited,  but  the  inhabitants  are  all  dead  or  re- 
moved. We  reach  home  with  considerable  quantity  of  beaver  and  with  good 
report  of  the  place,  wishing  we  had  been  seated  there."  The  impression  made 
does  not  surprise  us. 


36  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

their  five  thousand  fighting  men  began  to  be  disaffected  and 
were  "  breathing  forth  many  threats."  The  fears  of  the  col- 
onists were  by  and  by  confirmed  by  receiving,  as  if  from  Ca- 
nonicus, "  a  bundle  of  arrows  tied  together  by  a  rattlesnake's 
skin."  Squanto  was  consulted  and  interpreted  the  meaning 
of  the  singular  gift.  He  said  it  was  a  challenge.  Forthwith 
the  Plymouth  Governor  called  together  his  legal  advisers,  and, 
with  their  concurrence,  the  snake-skin  was  returned  filled 
with  powder  and  bullets,  and  the  messenger  who  bare  it  was 
instructed  to  inform  the  Narragansetts  that  the  colonists  were 
ready,  and  that  if  the  Indians  prefer  war,  they  may  begin 
as  soon  as  they  please.  It  may  be  questioned  whether  the 
arrows  were  sent  by  knowledge  of  the  Sachem  or  any  of  his 
men.  Rev.  Dr.  Holmes,  of  Cambridge,  has  noticed  a  coinci- 
dence in  the  form  of  the  supposed  challenge,  to  that  given  by 
a  Scythian  prince  to  Darius  the  Persian. 

Canonicus  always  asserted  that  he  was  never  justly  charge- 
able with  an  unfriendly  act  towards  the  white  men.  It  was 
supposed  by  the  colonists  that  the  Narragansetts  had  conceived 
an  idea  of  asserting  superiority,  but  had  been  disconcerted  by 
Massasoit's  confederacy  with  the  English.  The  diminution 
of  Indians,  by  the  mortality  which  had  extensively  prevailed, 
may  have  encouraged  Canonicus'  ambition  ;  but  there  is  not 
the  least  evidence  that  such  aspirations  had  at  any  time  a 
place  in  the  Sachem's  thoughts.  The  imaginings  of  the  colo- 
nists seem  to  have  been  wonderfully  fertile. 

And  now,  Hobbamoc,  ever  on  tiptoe,  watching  for  evil,  and 
understanding  too  well  the  readiness  of  his  white  neighbors  to 
magnify  every  conjectural  possibility  of  approaching  danger, 
intimated  that  "  the  Massachusetts  might  betray  confidence 
and  join  with  the  Narragansetts,  unless  the  colonists  were  very 
careful."  He  also  exhibited  a  jealousy  of  Squanto,  whom  he 
evidently  looked  upon  as  a  rival.  The  settlers  at  Plymouth 
deemed  it  prudent  to  surround  their  dwellings  with  pales, 
flankers,  and  gates,  and  to  inclose  in  like  manner  the  whole 
town.  Bulwarks,  or  jetties,  were  erected  ;  the  gates  on  three 
sides  were  locked,  and  a  watch  ordered  every  night.  All  ca- 
pable of  bearing  arms  were,  under  the  supervision  of  the  Gov- 
ernor and  Captain  Standish,  arranged  in  squadrons,  to  each 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  37 

m 

being  assigned  "  quarters  to  which  to  repair  in  case  of  alarm." 
It  appears  evident  that  the  colonists  were  badly  frightened, 
or  supposed  some  emergency  might  grow  out  of  measures 
initiated  and  which  it  was  intended  to  carry  forward. 

"  A  second  expedition  to  the  Massachusetts  "  was  planned, 
and  Standish  with  ten  chief  men,  Hobbamoc  and  Squanto 
accompanying,  set  sail  in  a  shallop.  They  had  not  more  than 
left  the  mooring  when  a  native  of  Squanto's  family  came 
running  into  town  and  called  to  the  citizens  to  "  make  haste, 
the  Narragansetts  are  coming  with  Corbitant  and  Massasoit 
joined  to  assault  the  town  in  Captain  Standish's  absence." 
The  Governor  ordered  all  to  arms  ;  guns  were  fired  to  recall 
the  shallop  ;  its  crew  returned  and  prepared  for  action. 
Strict  watch  was  kept  that  night.  Hobbamoc  now  intimated 
a  suspicion  that  all  the  scare  was  groundless.  He  felt  confi- 
dent that  so  far  at  least  as  related  to  Massasoit,  there  was  a 
mistake.  The  whole  story  was  finally  rejected  as  a  fabrica- 
tion. The  Governor,  however,  deemed  it  "  prudent  for  Hob- 
bamoc to  send  his  wife  privately  to  Pokanoket  to  see  how 
things  were,  pretending  other  business."  Quickly  going,  and 
soon  returning,  the  woman  reported  that  she  found  "  all  things 
quiet  at  Pokanoket."  The  impression  now  became  general 
that  it  was  "  Squanto's  policy  to  disaffect  the  colonists  towards 
Massasoit,  that  Squanto  might  himself  succeed  as  king  over 
these  parts."  When  Hobbamoc's  wife  informed  Massasoit  of 
what  had  occurred  at  Plymouth,  the  great  Sachem  was  much 
offended  at  Squanto's  duplicity,  and  pronounced  him  a  de- 
ceiver. He  became  finally  so  embittered  against  him  that  he 
demanded  of  Governor  Bradford  that  Squanto  be  put  to  death. 
Governor  Bradford  refused  to  surrender  Squanto.  Massasoit 
sent  especial  messengers  to  Governor  Bradford  to  repeat  the 
demand,  and  asserted  claim  to  Squanto  as  a  subject,  pleading 
the  conditions  of  the  treaty. 

Not  perfectly  satisfied  yet  that  there  was  not  some  cause 
for  alarm,  Governor  Bradford  determined  the  previously  pro- 
jected expedition  to  "  the  Massachusetts  "  should  be  prosecu- 
ted anew.  It  was  done.  "  All  things  were  found  to  be 
right."     The  party  "  had  a  good  trade  and  return." 

From  this  time,  conviction  became  strong  that  Squanto  was 


38  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

"  seeking  his  own  ends."  He  was  accused  of  persuading  In- 
dians that  it  was  in  his  power  to  stir  up  war  against  them 
whenever  he  pleased  ;  of  telling  them  that  the  English  kept 
in  store  the  plague  and  could  send  it  at  pleasure  ;  and  of  say- 
ing and  doing  many  other  things  to  terrify  Indians  and  cause 
them  to  distrust  Massasoit. 

"  To  counteract  the  wiles  of  both  Squanto  and  Hobbamoc, 
increasing  emulation  and  at  the  same  time  making  them  more 
subservient,  the  Governor  thought  proper  [so  says  Secretary 
Morton]  that  Standish  seem  to  countenance  the  one,  and 
the  Governor  the  other."  Truly,  these  two  Indians  were 
making  progress  under  the  tutelage  of  the  white  man  !  It 
has  been  remarked,  not  without  reason,  by  a  sensible  writer, 
that  "  The  vices  and  bad  habits  of  the  Indians  lie  at  the  door 
of  the  white  man.  Indians  were  as  ready  to  receive,  as  the 
white  people  to  give,  the  evils  of  civilization,  whilst  its  advan- 
tages were  considered  only  fit  for  pale-faces."  The  remark 
ought,  however,  to  be  received  with  exceptions.  Massasoit 
and  many  others  were  models  of  truthfulness,  integrity,  and 
high  sense  of  honor  which  we  wish  all  pale-faces  had  emu- 
lated. 

In  July,  1622,  Plymouth  was  further  fortified;  "a  timber- 
fort,  strong  and  comely,  was  builded  with  flat  roof  and  battle- 
ments on  which  ordnance  was  mounted,  and  a  watch  kept. 
This  fort  served  also  as  a  place  for  public  worship." 

In  November,  1622,  the  colonists,  being  short  of  provisions, 
were  reduced  to  great  straits.  Governor  Bradford  writes  : 
"  A  famine  begins  to  pinch  us."  It  was  u  concluded  to  send 
an  expedition  to  Monamoyk."  This  place,  since  known  as 
Chatham,  was  a  frequent  resort  for  the  procurement  of  corn. 
The  present  was  the  first  successful  adventure  by  water  to  the 
south  shores  of  the  Cape.  The  Pilgrims  now  made  several 
voyages  to  Cape  towns,  in  the  course  of  a  few  weeks.  Gov- 
ernor Bradford  says,  "  By  trading  with  the  Indians,  twenty- 
eight  hogsheads  of  corn  and  beans  in  all  were  obtained." 

It  was  in  Chatham  that  Squanto,  who  had  accompanied  the 
expedition,  was  taken  sick  and  died  ;  an  event  by  which,  as 
all  united  in  saying,  "  the  English  sustained  great  loss."  Mr. 
Morton  relates  of   Squanto  that  "  whilst  he  continued  with 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 


39 


them,  he  was  generally  their  interpreter,  and  proved  a  special 
instrument,  sent  of  God,  for  their  good  ;  he  directed  them  in 
planting,  where  to  take  fish,  and  how  to  procure  other  com- 
modities ;  was  their  pilot  to  bring  them  ^  to  unknown  places 
for  profit,  and  never  left  them  till  death."  * 

Early  in  January,  1622,  Captain  Standish  sailed  for  Nauset, 
since  called  Eastham,  "to  procure  corn."  Whilst  on  shore, 
the  shallop  lying  in  the  creek,  «  an  Indian  took  some  trifles. 
The  Captain  was  thereby  incensed,  and,  taking  his  company 
with  him,  hastened  away  to  Aspinet,  the  Sachem,  and  de- 
manded that  the  missing  articles  be  returned,  threatening  that 
otherwise  vengeance  on  the  people  would  be  taken.  The 
tilings   missed  were  said  to  be  "  a  few  beads  and  a  pair  of 


scissors." 


Mr.  Hubbard  has  remarked  respecting  Standish,  "  A  little 
chimney  is  soon  fired.  So  it  was  with  the  Plymouth  Captain : 
a  man  of  small  stature,  yet  of  a  hot  and  angry  temper."  The 
Sachem  received  the  imperious  demand  with  dignity  and  with- 
out undue  resentment,  and  the  next  morning  came  attended 
by  many  people ;  when,  entering  the  rendezvous,  he  courte- 
ously saluted  Standish  and  delivered  the  missing  articles,  say- 
ing he  regretted  that  such  offense  had  been  committed  by  one 
of  his  people."  Then,  directing  refreshments  to  be  provided 
for  Captain  Standish  and  company,  he  was,  as  the  journal  of 
that  transaction  relates,  «  glad  to  be  reconciled." 

We  cannot  think  of  the  fate  of  Aspinet,  without  a  feeling 
of  sadness.  It  was  the  singular  fortune  of  this  Sachem  finally 
to  be  suspected  of  a  conspiracy.     Knowing  what  had  been  the 

i  Squanto  returning  from  his  bondage  in  Spain,  had  on  reaching  England 
been  entertained  by  a  merchant  in  London,  who  was  engaged  in  commerce  with 
Newfoundland  and  other  parts.  He  had  been  brought  back  to  his  former  home 
by  a  gentleman  in  the  employ  of  Sir  Fernando  Gorges  and  others  for  discovery 
in  these  parts.  This  Mr.  Dermer,  Squanto's  friend,  was  here  the  same  year  that 
Plymouth  people  came  over,  as  is  seen  by  "  a  relation  written  June  30,  1620." 
In  that  paper,  Mr.  Dermer  says,  "  The  Pokanokets,"  alias  Wampanoags,  "  bear 
an  inveterate  malignity  to  the  English,  and  are  stronger  than  all  the  savages 
from  them  to  the  Penobscots.  They  are  west  of  Plymouth,  the  place  from  which 
Squanto,  alias  Tisquantum,  was  taken  away.  The  hostility  is  occasioned  by  an 
Englishman  who  visited  the  coast  and  having  got  many  Indians  on  board  his 
vessel  proceeded,  without  an  injury  offered  on  their  part,  to  make  great  slaughter." 
This  was,  if  not  the  old  story  revamped,  another  instance  of  affront  offered  to 
the  red  men  at  a  very  early  period. 


40  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

fate  of  Wittawamet  and  Peksuot,  and  apprehensive  for  his 
own  safety,  he  became  dispirited  and  took  refuge  in  a  swamp 
where,  from  exposure  and  starvation  following  anxiety  and 
sickness,  he  died. 

Returning  from  the  excursion  to  Nauset,  the  English  again 
visited  Iyanough.  Besides  various  kindnesses  which  the 
comely,  courteous,  and  excellent  Sachem  rendered,  he  could 
not  let  his  white  friends  return  to  Plymouth  without  a  part- 
ing festival;  men,  women,  and  children,  were  convened;  the 
women  sung  and  danced,  and  Iyanough  closed  the  scene  by 
taking  an  ornament  from  his  own  neck  and  placing  it  on  the 
neck  of  the  English  leader. 

It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  the  Sachem  of  Nauset,  and 
Iyanough,  both  peaceable  men  and  sincere  friends  of  the 
white  men,  shared  a  similar  fatality.  Each,  in  departing  to 
the  land  of  spirits,  died  in  the  exhibition  of  acts  of  kind- 
ness. 

"  Again  in  want,  the  Governor  of  Plymouth  took  a  com- 
pany and  went  to  Nemasket.  They  found  great  sickness 
prevailing  among  the  natives,  but  procured  corn." 

Soon  after  the  visit  to  Nemasket,  "  the  Governor,  needing 
more  corn,  took  Hobbamoc  and  went  to  Manomet,  a  part  of 
Sandwich  lying  south  of  Plymouth.  Here  they  were  treated 
by  Caunicum  with  hospitality,  being  lodged  and  furnished 
liberally  with  all  that  they  required.  This  Sachem  was  held 
in  great  respect  by  the  natives,  far  and  near.  An  incident 
occurred  here  which  shows  the  Sachem's  influence,  and  was 
also  illustrative  of  Indian  character.  Two  Indians  from  Mon- 
omoyk  arrived  in  the  course  of  the  evening.  It  was  an  excess- 
ively cold  night.  Entering  without  ceremony,  whilst  the  Gov- 
ernor and  his  attendants  were  at  supper,  these  Monomoys  laid 
aside  their  quivers,  sat  down  near  the  fire,  and,  without  utter- 
ing a  word,  began  to  smoke.  Their  pipes  being  finished,  they 
broke  the  silence,  and  one  addressing  Caunacum,  presented 
to  him  a  basket  of  tobacco  and  some  beads,  and  delivered  a 
speech  not  understood  by  the  Governor.  The  speech,  after- 
wards interpreted,  was  found  to  mean  in  substance  that  two 
of  the  Monomoyk  tribe  had  quarreled,  and  one  had  killed 
the  other.     The  homicide's  execution  had  been  demanded  by 


'     CIVILIZATION  ANT)  BARBARISM.  41 

the  relatives  of  the  deceased,  and  serious  results  might  follow 
unless  there  was  a  compliance  with  the  demand.  But  the  ac- 
cused being  a  powwow,  that  is,  priest,  the  Sachem  of  Monomoy 
remained  in  doubt,  although  the  offender  was  in  durance  vile, 
whether  the  execution  was  proper.  Anxious  to  do  right,  he 
had  sent  for  advice.  The  Sachem  of  Manomet  advised  that 
the  homicide  ought  to  be  put  to  death,  since  it  was  better  that 
the  offender  die  rather  than  trouble  ensue  which  might  other- 
wise cause  the  death  of  many. 

And  now,  February,  1623,  "  not  having  much  corn  left, 
Standish,  with  six  men,  was  dispatched  to  go  again  to  Mat- 
tachiest.  They  went  in  a  shallop,  and  procured  a  good  quan- 
tity." Whilst  there  an  incident,  similar  to  others  which  seem 
to  have  been  often  awaiting  Captain  Standish,  occurred.  The 
company  was  lodged  by  the  natives,  but,  somehow,  Captain 
Standish  became  impressed  with  the  idea  that  his  hosts  had 
thoughts  on  his  life,  and  that  a  conspiracy  was  in  progress. 
Ordering  his  men  to  keep  awake,  he  came,  next  day,  to  the 
conclusion  that  it  was  only  by  vigilance  that  a  catastrophe 
had  been  prevented.  Here,  also,  "  an  Indian  took  some  trifles 
from  the  shallop,  and,  no  sooner  did  Captain  Standish  per- 
ceive it,  than  he  called  his  men  and  beset  the  Sachem's  house, 
threatening  to  fall  upon  him  and  people,  if  the  articles  were 
not  forthwith  restored."  The  alleged  theft  was  the  taking  of 
"  a  few  beads."  It  is  related  that  "  the  Sachem  sought  the 
offender  and  made  him  return  the  articles."  The  wrath  of 
the  testy  Captain  was  appeased.  "  The  Sachem  ordered  more 
corn  to  be  brought.  The  shallop  was  loaded,  and  reached 
home  in  safety." 

It  must  not  be  overlooked  that  the  aforesaid  Sachem  was 
the  amiable  Iyanough  by  whom  many  civilities  had  been 
bestowed.  What  now  remains  to  recall  the  memory  of  the 
Sachem  is  the  present  flourishing  part  of  the  town  of  Barn- 
stable, known  as  "  Hyannis,"  a  corruption  of  the  name 
Iyanough   and  prefixed  aspirate. 

We  doubt  not  that  Indians,  as  indeed  every  other  part  of 
the  great  human  family,  were,  as  Church  Articles  consider- 
ately express  it,  "  very  far  gone  from  original  righteousness  ;  " 


42  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

but  Iyanough,  Aspinet,  and  other  instances  found  in  New 
England  Indian  history,  furnish  little  evidence  that  these 
children  of  nature  were  possessed  of  so  deep  and  pervading 
depravity  as  has  been  attributed  to  the  aboriginal  tribes  in 
general,  or  to  each  and  every  individual  in  particular. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Questioning  the  opinions  of  writers  in  reference  to  the 
origin  of  North  American  Indians,  we  make  no  conjecture. 
We  do  not  so  much  as  propose  the  theorem  of  many  learned, 
that  these  peoples  may  have  been  remnants  of  the  lost  tribes 
of  Israel,  —  a  thought  which  does  not  appear  to  have  found 
place  in  early  speculations  of  the  English  settlers.  Hubbard, 
the  learned  Mather,  and  contemporaries,  regard  the  question 
as  "  a  problem  of  impossible  solution,  unless  astrologers  can 
find  it  in  the  stars,  or  it  can  be  gathered  from  the  motions  of 
the  celestial  bodies  that  lighted  them  hither." 

The  Ipswich  historian  cites  an  opinion  which  he  "  thinks 
carries  with  it  the  greatest  probability  of  truth."  He  in  fact 
likens  it  to  "  an  oracle  of  God,"  namely,  that,  "  when  the 
devil  was  put  out  of  his  throne  in  other  parts  of  the  world 
and  the  mouth  of  his  oracles  was  stopped  in  Europe,  Asia, 
and  Africa,  he  seduced  a  company  of  silly  wretches  to  follow 
him  into  this  unknown  part  of  the  world  where  he  might  be 
hid  and  not  disturbed  in  the  diabolical  service  he  expected 
from  his  followers."  The  Ipswich  divine  was  not  alone  in 
ascribing  the  planting  of  the  red  man  to  a  devilish  agency. 

We  may  not  meddle  with  ecclesiastical  or  theological  mat- 
ters, but  as  an  act  of  candor  and  equity  chronicle  the  afore- 
said suggestions.  If  contrasts,  either  honorable  and  just,  or 
inconsistent  with  high  professions,  appear  in  this  record,  it  is 
that  their  full  share  of  enlightened  inquiry  may  be  permitted. 

Captain  Standish  went  again  to  Manomet  in  the  month  of 
March.  Entering  Scusset  Harbor  with  his  shallop,  he  was 
entertained  at  the  house  of  Caunacum.  Whilst  there  two 
Massachusetts  Indians  arrived.  One  of  these,  Wittawamet, 
made  an   unfavorable  impression  on   Captain  Standish  who 


I 


44  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

considered  the  Indian  "  very  insulting,"  and  understood  him 
to  boast  of  his  own  valor  and  intimate  that  the  English  were 
weak.  The  Captain  conceited  that  this  Indian  had  come  for 
the  express  purpose  of  engaging  Caunacum  in  a  conspiracy. 
It  is  obvious  that  the  mind  of  Captain  Standish  sometimes 
indulged  imaginings  that  were  baseless,  for  the  suspected 
Indians  joined  with  others  to  help  convey  corn  on  board 
the  shallop.  On  his  return  home,  Captain  Standish  further 
alleged  that  on  occasion  of  this  visit,  "  a  lusty  savage  from 
Paomet  had  resolved  to  kill  him,  and  have  Indians  then  fall 
on  the  whole  company."  But  the  night  being  exceedingly 
cold,  Standish  could  not  sleep  and  kept  turning  before  the 
fire  ;  so  the  Pamet  Indian  missed  his  opportunity."  Still, 
"  the  next  day  the  same  Indian  would  have  persuaded  Stand- 
ish to  go  to  Paomet  where  he  had  much  corn." 

About  this  time,  also,  a  message  came  to  Plymouth  from 
Mr.  Weston's  company  at  Wassagusquesset,  saying  that  the 
"  necessities  of  the  company  were  pressing,  and  that  having 
v  endeavored,  unavailingly,  to  borrow  of  the  natives,  they  de- 
sired permission  to  take  corn  by  force."  1 

"  In  March,  1623,  tidings  reached  Plymouth  that  a  Dutch 
ship  was  ashore  at  Sowam,  and  lying  near  and  in  front  of  the 
residence  of  Massasoit.  The  messenger  who  brought  the  in- 
telligence also  reported  that  the  Sachem  was  dangerously  sick. 

Mr.  Edward  Winslow  and  Mr.  John  Hampden  of  London, 
being  desirous  of  communicating  with  the  Dutch  ship,  Gov- 
ernor Bradford  proposed  to  these  gentlemen  that  they  "  take 
Hobbamoc  and  visit  Massasoit,  conveying  to  him  such  com- 

1  The  Plymouth  Governor  knowing  hitherto  the  course  of  this  company,  "  that 
by  stealing  and  other  opprobrious  acts  they  had  greatly  wronged  and  incensed 
the  Indians,  opposed  the  request,  fearing  that  if  Indians  were  further  exasper- 
ated the  safety  of  the  settlement  would  be  endangered."  Had  Weston's  men 
proposed  to  buy  corn,  and  had  they  in  previous  time  carried  themselves  honestly, 
their  wants  would  probably  have  been  supplied.  Indians  understood  these  men 
quite  as  well  as  Governor  Bradford.  Mr.  Morton  has  told  us  that  these  folk 
were  "  so  base  as  to  carry  to  the  Indians  a  report  that  the  Governor  was  coming 
to  take  the  corn." 

Let  it  not  be  supposed  that  the  sins  of  this  set  of  men  are  attributable  to  Plym- 

outheans,  who   asserted   that  "  the    conduct  of   Weston's  company  made  the 

Indians  enter  into  a  conspiracy  against  the  English."     Every  event  and  move- 

-      ment  at  this  time  seemed  pregnant  with  presentiment  of  conspiracy.     It  was  the 

always  apparent  bugbear. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  45 

Si 

fortable  things  as  a  sick  man  might  need,  and  prescribing  for 
him."  Lodging  the  first  night  at  Nemasket,  they  reached  the 
house  of  Corbitant,  at  Mattapuyst,  by  noon  next  day.  This 
Sachem  was  absent ;  gone  to  Pokanoket  to  visit  Massasoit. 
Arriving  that  night  at  the  headquarters  of  the  Great  Sachem, 
Messrs.  Winslow  and  Hampden  lodged  under  his  roof,  and 
administered  so  judiciously  to  the  Sachem  that  he  "  greatly 
revived."  Massasoit  seemed  "grateful  for  their  civility,  and 
on  the  departure  of  these  gentlemen,  pressed  Mr.  Wins- 
low's  hand,  saying,  "  I  will  not  forget  this  kindness."  "  The 
Dutch  ship  had  sailed  before  the  Plymouth  guests  arrived."  l 
Corbitant,  it  should  be  remembered,  was  he  whom  the  col- 
onists had  supposed  unfriendly  and  suspicion  against  whom 
had  lately  caused  such  serious  alarm  at  Plymouth.  Never- 
theless, these  excursionists  fearlessly  crossed  the  ferry  to  his 
house,  and  on  their  return  to  Plymouth,  reported  "  Though 
he  be  no  friend,  we  come  and  lodge  with  him,  who  wonders 
that  we,  being  but  two,  are  so  venturesome."  This  cutting 
sarcasm  of  Corbitant,  no  doubt  the  Indian  enjoyed,  even  if 
unappreciated  by  the  white  gentlemen.  Mr.  Winslow  replied, 
"  Our  hearts  are  so  upright  that  we  have  no  fear."  Corbitant 
rejoined  "  If  your  hearts  be  so  pure  and  produce  such  fruits, 
why,  whenever  we  come  to  Plymouth,  are  your  guns  pointed 
towards  us  ?  "  Mr.  Winslow  said,  "  That  is  an  honor  which 
we  bestow  on  our  friends."  Corbitant  uttered  a  significant 
ugh,  and  shrugged  his  shoulders.  After  a  moment's  thought 
he  asked,  "  If  I  were  sick  would  your  Governor  send  men  to 
visit  me  ?  "  For  Mr.  Winslow's  affirmative  reply,  Corbitant 
expressed  thanks.  He  also  inquired  the  reason  of  the  Eng- 
lish custom  of  saying  grace  at  meals.  Mr.  W.  replied,  "  As  all 
good  things  come  from  God,  it  is  proper  that  we  crave  a  bless- 
ing and  express  our  gratitude."  Corbitant  nodded  assent,  and 
said  u  We  Indians  believe  nearly  the  same  ;  the  same  power 

1  The  gentleman  from  London  is  supposed  by  Dr.  Belknap  to  have  been  the 
John  Hampden,  who  distinguished  himself  afterward  by  opposition  to  King 
Charles  I.  Mr.  Baylies  says,  "little  did  Hampden,  when  sleeping  in  Indian 
huts,  dream  that  it  was  reserved  for  him  to  overthrow  the  British  monarchy,  and 
to  shed  his  blood  in  the  first  daring  attempt  for  a  free  Constitution  in  England." 
We  criticise  neither  the  opinions  of  the  New  Hampshire  historian,  nor  Mr. 
Baylies. 


46  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARIbM. 

which  you  call  by  another  name,  we  call  Kichten."  The 
visitors  were  gratified  by  the  Sachem's  polite  attentions,  and 
left  entertaining  a  lively  idea  of  his  humor,  jocose  converse, 
and  good  sense. 

The  next  day,  on  the  way  home,  Hobbamoc  informed  Mr. 
Winslow  that  the  Great  Sachem  had  intrusted  to  him  a  mes- 
sage disclosing  a  plot ;  certain  conspirators  "  were  for  break- 
ing up  the  company  of  Mr.  Weston." 

It  is  improbable  that  Massasoit  had  intrusted  to  Hobbamoc 
any  such  message.  There  can,  however,  be  no  doubt,  Plym- 
outh men  being  authority,  that  Weston's  company  were  con- 
sidered by  Plymoutheans  as  a  nuisance.  If  not  regarded  as 
a  rival,  they  certainly  were  not  in  good  repute  with  the  fol- 
lowers of  Mr.  Robinson. 

Mr.  Winslow's  credulity  caught  at  the  disclosures  made  by 
Hobbamoc.  This  Indian,  permitted  opportunity  of  converse 
with  the  two  gentlemen,  was  probably  aiming  only  to  attach 
importance  to  himself  and  to  be  agreeable.  The  matter  be- 
ing revolved  in  Mr.  Winslow's  mind,  it  was  conceited  that 
there  might  be  a  plot  of  Massachusetts'  Indians,  contempla- 
ting a  probability  that,  in  case  Weston  was  disturbed,  Plym- 
outh would  endeavor  to  avenge  the  deed,  in  which  event  the 
Massachusetts'  tribes  would  fall  on  Plymouth.  It  has  been 
said  that  Hobbamoc  intimated  that  the  information  obtained 
was  that  "  Paomet,  Nauset,  Mattachiest,  Sugkonate,1  Mano- 
met,  Agawam,2  and  the  isle  of  Capwak,3  would  join  the  plot- 
ters. 

Such  disclosures  seemed  to  Plymoutheans,  to  be  opportune, 
enabling  them  to  seize  the  supposed  ring-leaders  and  prevent 
a  catastrophe  which  might  otherwise  befall  Plymouth.  In- 
deed, if  we  rely  implicitly  on  Pilgrim  accounts  of  the  matter, 
there  was  almost  certainty  that  the  information  incident  to 
the  visit  to  Massasoit  was  providentially  means  of  saving  the 
entire  colony  from  destruction. 

Immediately  on  Mr.  Winslow's  return,  May  23,  1623,  the 
Governor  communicated  the  intelligence  said  to  have  been  ob- 
tained from  Hobbamoc  ;  and  solicited  "  the  advice  of  the  Hon- 
orable Court."  The  "General  Court  referred  the  subject 
1  Alias  Falmouth.        2  Alias  Wareham.        *  Alias  Martha's  Vineyard. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  47 

back  to  the  Governor,  and  gave  him,  acting  in  conjunction 
with  the  assistant  and  Captain  Standish,  authority  to  do 
whatever  they  might  think  meet."  The  Captain  was  there- 
upon ordered  to  "  take  men  and  fall  on  the  conspirators,  se- 
cure Wittawamet,  and  bring  back  his  head."  The  next  day, 
as  prearranged,  Captain  Standish  repaired  to  Wessagusquas- 
set,  under  pretence  of  trade." 

Calling  together  the  most  prominent  Indians,  viz.,  Witta- 
wamet, Peksuot,  a  noted  chief  and  counselor  and  brother  of 
Wittawamet,  with  others,  and  "  taking  opportunity,  Stand- 
ish and  his  men  sprang  upon  them,  slew  with  knives  three  of 
the  number,  and  hanged  the  fourth.  Standish  himself  seized 
the  bold  counselor  and  warrior  Peksuot,  killing  him  with  the 
knife  snatched  from  that  Indian's  neck.  The  Captain  had  ex- 
pected another  present,  but  as  that  Indian  did  not  arrive, 
Standish  and  men  hastened  to  his  house  and  despatched  him. 
Weston's  men  assisted  in  killing  two  other  Indians.  Captain 
Standish  and  his  attendants  returned  in  triumph  to  Plymouth 
bearing  with  them  the  head  of  Wittawamet,  which  they  set 
on  a  pole  over  the  fort." 

When  report  of  this  massacre  reached  Mr.  Robinson,  in 
Holland,  to  whose  Leyden  congregation  Captain  Standish  had 
formerly  belonged,  the  Plymouth  pastor  wrote  to  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Plymouth,  "  Oh  that  you  had  converted  some  before 
you  killed  any."  1 

Captain  Miles  Standish,  prominent  in  the  preceding  ex- 
ploit, is  reputed  a  hero.  Born  in  Lancashire,  1584,  he  served 
some  time  in  the  army  of  the  Netherlands.  Embarking  with 
the  company  who  came  over  in  the  Mayflower,  1620,  he  was 
chosen  their  military  commander,  and  became  generally  fore- 
most in  acts  requiring  force  and  daring.  He  was  also  one  of 
the  magistrates  of  the  colony  until  his  death,  which  occurred 
at  his  residence  in  Duxbury  in  1656.2 

The  preceding  outrage,  we  are  told  by  Mr.  Winslow,  "  so 
amazed  the  natives  that  they  forsook  their  houses,  ran  to  and 

1  It  has  been  replied  to  this,  "  It  is  hoped  that  Squanto  died  a  Christian." 

2  Mr.  Hubbard  speaks  of  Standish  as  having  "  been  a  soldier  in  the  Low 
Countries ;  "  but  says  of  him,  "  He  never  entered  the  school  of  Christ,  or  of  John 
the  Baptist." 


48  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

fro,  and  lived  in  swamps,  which  brought  disease  upon  them, 
whereof  many  die,  as  have  already  Caunacum,  Aspinet,  and 
Iyanough.     Many  others  among  them  are  dying."  x 

The  outrage  upon  the  Indians  at  Wessagusquasset  resulted 
in  the  breaking  up  of  Weston's  plantation.  That  people  dare 
not  remain.2 

It  should  be  remembered  that  the  Plymouth  settlers  had 
on  all  occasions  professed  to  the  throne  and  to  the  people  of 
England,  to  whom  they  looked  for  favor,  a  Christian  regard 
for  the  temporal  and  eternal  interests  of  native  Indians. 
Pledges  voluntarily  offered,  and  promises  to  treat  the  Indians 
with  humane  consideration,  secured  the  Charter.3 

It  is  painful  to  contemplate  the  manner  in  which  expecta- 
tions raised  were  nonfulfilled.  It  is  deeply  humiliating  to  find 
reliable  writers  confessing  that,  "  Of  all  who  ever  crossed  the 

1  A  sad  fate  indeed  for  those  whose  friendly  bearing  in  the  time  of  the  settlers' 
urgent  need  was  the  salvation  of  the  colony.  The  natives  find  to  their  sorrow 
that  confidence  is  not  to  be  reposed  in  the  people  they  befriended.  Momentarily 
apprehensive  that  they  themselves  will  be  victims  of  the  same  relentless  extermi- 
nation, a  sad  future  only  is  before  them. 

2  "  Their  whole  sojourn,"  Hutchinson  says,  "  was  only  about  a  year.  Their 
grant  was  the  first  obtained  within  the  bounds  of  Massachusetts  Indian  territory. 
Two  ships  sent  over  by  Weston  in  1622,  with  fifty  or  sixty  men,  began  the  plan- 
tation." These  men  were,  according  to  the  view  of  some  writers,  "  a  dissolute 
crew.     Both  Indians  and  Plymoutheans  made  complaint  of  them." 

Mr.  Weston  was,  at  the  time  of  the  Wessagusquasset  massacre,  on  his  way  to 
visit  the  plantation.  On  reaching  the  coast,  his  ship  was  wrecked  in  Ipswich  Bay. 
He  found  means  to  get  to  Plymouth.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  he  ever 
considered  it  an  act  of  kindness  on  the  part  of  the  Plymouth  people,  —  the  offer  of 
protection  to  his  company.  He  regarded  the  whole  transaction  as  at  best  ill- 
judged.  We  wish  it  were  possible  to  give  a  creditable  account  of  the  whole 
matter.     Historical  fairness  and  faithfulness  veto  the  desire. 

8  The  Charter  given  to  Massachusetts  was  expressly  "  that  our  said  people,  in- 
habitants there,  may  be  so  religiously,  peaceably,  and  civilly  governed,  that  their 
godly  life  and  orderly  conversation  may  win  and  invite  the  natives  of  the  country 
to  the  knowledge  and  obedience  of  the  only  true  God  and  Saviour  of  mankind, 
and  to  the  Christian  faith  :  Which  is  Our  Royal  intention,  and  the  Adventurers' 
free  profession,  and  the  principal  end  of  the  plantation."  The  Charter  of  Con- 
necticut was  similar;  setting  forth  the  aforesaid  object  as  the  "  only  and  princi- 
pal ground."  The  profession  and  promises  of  the  colonists  of  both  New  Plymouth 
and  Connecticut  were  well  understood.  A  proper  treatment  of  Indians  in  these 
two  colonies  would,  without  especial  merit,  have  been  an  honest  fulfillment  of  a 
contract  with  the  throne.  It  is  well  known  that  the  seal  of  Massachusetts  had, 
symbolized  and  stamped  on  it,  the  device,  an  Indian  with  a  label  in  his  mouth, 
"  Come  over  and  help  us." 


,     CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  49 

American  seas,  they  who  were  thus  pledged  are  noted  as  the 
most  neglectful  of  the  work  of  conversion."  1 

Excepting  the  havoc  which  disease  and  death  had  made 
and  were  still  making,  among  the  Indians,  there  appears  little 
more  of  interest  respecting  these  people,  until  the  latter  part 
of  the  year  1626.  Times  were  comparatively  quiet ;  Indians 
had  little  communication  with  white  people;  trade  fell  off, — 
partly  because  of  the  diminution  of  native  population  caused 
by  the  prevalent  mortality,  and  partly  owing  to  Indians 
becoming  disheartened  or  finding  other  channels  of  commerce 
less  repugnant.  Governor  Bradford  is  on  record,  complain- 
ing that  "  although  a  pinnace  sent  from  Plymouth  around  the 
Cape,  to  trade  with  Narragansetts,  got  some  corn  and  beaver, 
yet  it  made  a  poor  voyage ;  the  Dutch  furnishing  to  Indians 
cloth  and  better  commodities,  whereas  the  pinnace  had  only 
beads  and  knives,  —  which  are  not  much  esteemed." 

"  In  the  December  of  1626,  a  ship  with  many  passengers  ? 
bound  from  London  to  Virginia,  was  stranded  on  a  flat  at 
Monamoyk.  The  passengers  and  crew  barely  escaped  with 
life.  Indians  went  in  canoes,  assuaged  their  fears,  and,  ask- 
ing them  if  they  were  the  Governor  of  Plymouth's  men, 
offered  assistance.  A  letter  was  sent  to  the  Governor  of 
Plymouth.  Indians  in  the  mean  while  did  good  service,  sup- 
plying the  ship,  according  to  their  ability,  with  all  things 
needed.  In  due  time  the  Governor  and  others  came.  When 
they  returned  to  Plymouth,  their  vessel  was  loaded  with  corn 
procured  of  Indians  at  different  Cape  harbors." 

1  This  remark  is  attributed  to  Bailie,  who,  it  has  been  said,  "  hated  the  Inde- 
pendents." We  hope  that  even  Bailie  might  have  made  some  exceptions.  With- 
out the  means  of  scrutinizing  Bailie's  heart  or  motives,  we  simply  remark  that 
it  is  puerile  to  pick  flaws  in  a  writer's  life  merely  to  controvert  his  judgment 
touching  a  subject  that  is  patent  to  all. 
4 


CHAPTER  VII. 

About  1628,  a  new  trade  was  opened,  the  introduction  of 
which  marks  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  the  Indians,  —  the 
traffic  in  wampum.  Mr.  Bradford  says,  "  We  buy  £50 
worth.  At  first  it  sticks,  and  it  is  two  years  before  we  can 
work  it  off.  When  the  Indians  come  to  know  it  we  can 
scarce  for  many  years  procure  enough.  It  is  strange  to  see 
the  great  alteration  it  makes  in  a  few  years  among  savages  ; 
for  the  Massachusetts  and  others  in  these  parts  had  scarce 
any,  it  being  made  and  kept  only  among  the  Pequots  and 
Narragansetts,  who  grew  rich  and  potent  by  it,  whereas  the 
rest  who  used  it  not  were  poor  and  beggarly."  1 

During  the  summer  of  1628,  the  country  from  Naumkeag 
to  Mishawm  was  explored  for  settlement.  The  explorers, 
Ralf  Sprague  with  others,  "  found  the  country  full  of  Indians  ; 
but  the  Sagamore,  John,  a  man  of  gentle  and  good  disposi- 
tion, gave  free  consent  to  the  settlers." 

Complaint  was  made  about  this  time,  to  the  Throne,  that 
fishermen  and  others  coming  from  England  supplied  Indians 
with  fire-arms,  and  it  was  "  commanded  by  royal  proclama- 
tion, that  no  sort  of  arms,  or  munition,  henceforth  be  traded 
with  Indians."  "  Hitherto,  Indians  in  these  parts  had  no 
other  arms  than  bows  and  arrows  ;  "  so  says  Governor  Brad- 

1  Mr.  "Williams  describes  "  wampum,  or  wampum  peaek,  as  Indian  money ;  one 
fathom,  strung,  being  worth  five  shillings  if  white,  the  dark  more  valuable  and 
called  suckawhork."  Mr.  Gookin  calls  "  either  kind  made  from  wilk's  shell, 
wompom  pague."  Professor  Peck  says  "  it  is  made  from  the  shell  of  the  paqua 
whock,  that  is,  quawhaug."  A  traveler,  1769,  describes  it  as  "  made  from  the 
shell  of  the  round  clam,  or  quawhaug,  the  shell  having  two  colors  within, — 
purple  and  white.  Clipped  to  a  small  oblong  parallelopiped,  it  is  drilled,  ground 
smooth,  and  polished.  Only  a  small  part  of  the  shell  being  purple,  purple  money 
is  most  valuable." 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  51 

+ 
ford,'  who  however  adds,  "  but  in  the   Eastern  parts,  having 

commerce  with  the  French,  they  first  have  guns  of  them  and 

at  length  make  it  a  common  trade.     In  time  our   fishermen 

follow  the  example." 

We  have  now  reached  a  period  only  about  ten  years  distant 
from  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth.  Great  dis- 
quiet exists.  Oft  renewed  reports  of  some  great  conspiracy 
cause  excitement.  It  was  indeed  said  that  "  everywhere 
from  the  Narragansett  to  the  Eastern  Indians,  the  natives 
were  conspiring  to  cut  off  the  white  people."  This  informa- 
tion was  said  to  have  been  "  revealed  to  the  people  of  Charles- 
town,  by  one  who  has  always  loved  us,  John,  Sagamore."  x 

In  June,  1630,  Dorchester  was  begun.  The  natives  were 
kind  and  obliging.  The  same  month,  June  12,  the  Arabella, 
having  on  board  the  Governor  for  the  Massachusetts  Colony, 
arrived  at  Salem.  The  Sachem  of  Cape  Ann,  Masconomcho, 
came  promptly  with  one  of  his  chiefs,  to  make  their  respects 
and  to  bid  the  Governor  welcome.  They  remained  on  board 
the  ship  through  the  day. 

The  next  spring,  1631,  Chickatawbut,  a  sachem  residing 
near  Boston,  came  to  visit  the  Governor  and  assure  him  of 
friendship. 

Hutchinson  tells  us  that  "  the  colonists  were  frequently 
alarmed  this  year,  but  happily  for  them  in  their  feeble,  infant 
state,  only  alarmed.  A  company  of  Eastern  Indians,  called 
Tarrantines,  came  in  thirty  canoes  and  assaulted  the  wig- 
wams of  the  Sagamore  of  Agawam,2  killed  several  Indians, 

1  Although  it  was  believed  that  the  chief  design  was  against  Plymouth,  the 
people  of  Charlestown  considered  it  prudent  to  build  a  fort  on  the  top  of  the 
town-hill.  After  its  completion,  the  discharge  of  a  few  guns,  to  clear  them,  so 
terrified  the  natives  that  they  dispersed.  Persons  desirous  of  exploring  for  a  new 
settlement  went  up  the  Charles  River,  May  30,  1630,  and,  being  informed  at 
night  that  three  hundred  Indians  were  in  the  neighborhood,  sent  their  planter^ 
who  was  probably  an  Indian  in  their  employ,  to  request  the  Indians  not  to  come 
near.  With  the  request  compliance  was  made.  The  next  morning  the  explorers 
saw  Indians  standing  in  the  distance,  looking  towards  them.  They  were  there, 
as  subsequently  appeared,  on  a  fishing  excursion.  They  did  not  attempt  to 
approach  the  explorers ;  but,  as  if  to  allay  their  fears  and  assure  them  of  kindly 
feeling,  one  took  a  bass  and  held  it  forth,  whereupon  one  of  the  explorers  sent 
from  his  own  party  a  biscuit.  After  this,  as  many  as  remained  they  exchanged 
a  biscuit  for  a  bass.  A  good  business  was  quickly  done.  This  place  was  soon 
settled  and  called  Watertown. 

a  There  were  several  Agawams.     This  was  near  Ipswich. 


52  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

wounded  two  sagamores  who  lived  near  Boston,  and  carried 
away  many  captives."  Moreover,  a  difficulty  occurring  be- 
tween individuals  of  an  English  trading-house  established  at 
Sowam,1  and  certain  Narragansett  residents,  and  besides,  the 
Dutch  Governor  of  Manhadoes2  thinking  the  movements  of 
certain  Pequots  suspicious,  the  colonists  were  constantly  on 
guard. 

The  sagamores  around  Boston  would  fain  have  assured  the 
people  that  Indians  had  only  friendly  feelings ;  and  for  con- 
firmation of  such  protestations  Miantonimo,  Sachem  of  the 
Narragansetts,  came  to  Boston  August  5,  u  to  enter  into  a 
league  of  friendship."  That  Miantonimo  was  not  very  cor- 
dially received  is  evident.  Though  his  people  were  more 
numerous  than  all  other  Indians  between  Boston  and  Hudson's 
River,  his  motive  in  coming  was  a  question  ;  whether  out  of 
fear  or  friendship,  the  colonists  could  not  tell.  The  Sachem, 
with  his  company,  attended  public  worship  in  Boston,  by  in- 
vitation. Three  of  his  suite,  finding  the  services  tedious,  with- 
drew in  sermon-time,  and,  being  hungry,  went  without  cere- 
mony, just  as  they  would  have  done  at  home,  and  entered  a 
neighboring  house  for  food.  The  owner  and  occupant  made 
complaint.  The  Sachem  was  too  high-spirited  to  be  persuaded 
that  corporal  punishment  was  due  for  the  offense ;  but,  as 
says  Hutchinson,  was  "  so  ashamed  of  his  attendants  that  he 
Ordered  them  out  of  town.     He  followed  soon  after." 

"  An  infectious  disease,  called  pestilence,  made,  at  times, 
havoc  among  the  natives,  sweeping  away  many  from  around 
Plymouth  and  elsewhere.  Destitute  of  everything  proper 
for  relief  or  comfort,  they  died  in  great  numbers.  John, 
Sagamore  of  Winimesset,  and  James  of  Lynn,  with  many  of 
their  people,  perished."  Thus  in  various  ways  the  Indians 
wasted.  Hutchinson  has  said,  "  They  moulder  away,"  and, 
as  Charlevoix  remarked,  disappear.  All  writers  agree  that  a 
few  years  before  the  English  came  to  Plymouth,  so  great 
numbers  perished  that  whole  tribes  became  nearly  extinct. 
The  Massachusetts  are  said  to  have  been  reduced  from  thirty 
thousand  fighting  men  to  three  hundred.     The  colonists  sup- 

1  Near  what  is  Bristol. 

2  The  ancient  name  of  "  York  and  Long  Island." 


'   CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  53 

posed  these  remarkable  fatalities  a  special  interposition  of 
Providence  to  make  room  for  the  settlements  that  followed. 

In  1634,  Mr.  Roger  Williams  removed  to  look  out  for  a 
settlement  among  the  Indians.  He  fixed  on  a  place  called  by 
them  Moshawsic,  now  Providence,  so  named  in  recognition 
of  God's  goodness.1 

The  situation  of  the  colonists  had  long  become  the  theme 
of  almost  constant  discussion.2 

About  this  time,  as  is  seen  in  correspondence  between  the 
Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  governors,  Pequots  were  seek- 
ing the  friendship  of  the  Massachusetts  colony,  and  to  this  end 
sent  both  messengers  and  gifts.3  Governor  Winthrop  wrote, 
March  12, 1634,  "  The  Pequots  have  sent  to  desire  our  friend- 
ship ;  and  offer  much  wampum,  beaver,  etc.  We  concluded 
a  peace  and  friendship  on  conditions,  namely,  that  they  de- 
liver to  us  the  men  who  were  guilty  of  Captain  Stone's  death  ; 4 
that  they  give  us  the  right  to  plant  Connecticut ; 5  and  we  will 
trade  with  them  as  friends.     To  this  they  agreed,  and  also 

1  Among  the  affronts  said  to  have  heen  given  by  Mr.  Williams  was  an  asser- 
tion that  "  the  Massachusetts  patent  was  unjust  and  invalid  because  a  fair  pur- 
chase had  not  been  made."  Allen's  biography  tells  that  "  escaping  from  those 
whose  orders  were  to  seize  and  send  him  to  England,  Mr.  Williams  crossed  the 
river  at  Seekonk,  now  Kehoboth,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  Providence."  It  is 
said  of  Mr.  Williams  that  "  he  studied  the  Indian  language  and  used  his  en- 
deavors to  impart  to  the  savages  the  blessings  of  the  gospel."  Also  that  "  so 
superior  was  he  to  the  meanness  of  revenge  and  such  was  his  magnanimity,  that 
he  exerted  all  his  influence  with  the  Indians  in  favor  of  Massachusetts." 

2  With  the  French  in  the  borders  on  one  side,  the  Dutch  on  the  other,  and 
Indians  in  the  midst,  restrained  only  from  breaking  up  the  settlements,  as  was 
generally  supposed,  by  want  of  union  among  themselves,  the  position  of  the  col- 
onies was  alarming.  Saybrook  fort  was  built,  and  it  was  expected  "  to  do  much 
to  strike  terror  into  the  minds  of  Indians,  which  impression  contributed  to  quiet 
in  some  measure  the  fears  of  the  people." 

8  It  was  subsequently  said  by  persons  who  doubtless  thought  that  they  under- 
stood the  motives  of  the  Pequots,  that,  "  being  conscious  of  the  death  of  a  cer- 
tain Captain  Stone,  and  having  fallen  out  with  the  Dutch,  and  being  distrustful 
of  the  Narragansetts  who  were  in  friendship  with  the  Massachusetts  colonists, 
the  Pequots  began  to  fear  they  might  have  too  many  enemies  at  once." 

4  That  the  man,  Stone,  was  not  in  high  repute  may  be  inferred  from  Mr. 
Morton,  who  says,  "  I  have  nothing  to  speak  of  him  in  the  way  of  commenda- 
tion." The  impression  is  that  the  destruction  of  Stone  byJMians  was  not  with- 
out great  provocation.  Morton  elsewhere  gives* a  positively  bad  account  of 
Stone.  •     • 

6  Mr.  Bancroft  intimates  that  Dutch  jealousy  and  the  fertility  of  the  Connect- 
icut Valley  had  rendered  the  possession  of  that  country  an  object  of  desire. 


54  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

that  we  mediate  a  peace  between  them  and  the  Narragan- 
setts,  —  for  which  they  are  content  that  we  shall  give  the 
Narragansetts  a  part  of  the  presents  bestowed,  —  they  stand- 
ing too  much  on  their  honor  to  be  seen  to  give  anything  of 
themselves." 

In  another  letter,  Governor  Winthrop  wrote,  "  The  vessel 
has  just  returned  from  the  Pequots.  Our  men  put  off  little 
commodities,  but  found  them  a  very  false  people,  so  we  mean 
to  have  nothing  more  to  do  with  them."  * 

1  The  offense  seems  to  have  been  the  avoidance  of  mercantile  intercourse, 
turning  away  from  temptations  offered  in  shape  of  glass  beads  and  other  worth- 
less things. 

Indian  trading  had  become  important.  English  people  had  set  up  a  trading- 
house  about  a  mile  above  the  Dutch  fort,  and  beaver-skins  and  otter,  to  the 
value  of  £1,000,  had,  by  one  shipment,  been  sent  to  England.  The  Dutch  pur- 
chased  annually  not  less  than  ten  thousand  beaver-skins. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Rumoks  were  again  rife,  in  1636,  that  "  the  most  warlike 
of  all  the  Indian  tribes  were  plotting."  1 

During  the  course  of  winter,  Pequots  had  attempted  union 
with  Narragansetts.  There  had  been,  hitherto,  little  inter- 
course between  the  two  nations,  but  rather  fixed  and  inveter- 
ate dislike.  It  was  thought  by  the  settlers  that  Pequots  were 
willing  to  bury  all  remembrance  of  the  past,  at  least  smother 
resentment;  hostility  to  the  white  people  having  become  the 
ruling  passion.  Captain  Endicott  was  content  to  burn  their 
wigwams,  destroy  their  provisions,  and  stave  in  pieces  their 
canoes.  He  returned  to  Boston  to  prepare  for  a  general 
attack   upon  Indians  next    summer.      He  was  blamed  that 

i  One  John  Oldham,  sailing  in  a  small  hark  to  Manisses,  had  quarreled  with 
Indians,  and  had  been  killed.  The  Indians  had  offered  no  indignity  to  others  of 
the  crew,  and  the  homicide  was  at  first  charged  upon  Narragansetts,  under  whose 
jurisdiction  was  the  island,  but  they  denied  it.  It  was  next  believed  that  the 
perpetrator  had  fled  to  and  was  sheltered  and  protected  by  Pequots. 

These  things  moved  the  Massachusetts  colony  to  "  require  satisfaction  or  take 
revenge."  Eighty  men,  under  Captain  Endicott,  were  for  this  purpose  sent  by 
water,  with  instructions  "  to  offer  peace  on  conditions  that  the  offender  be  given 
up  "  '  The  "  Indians  were  to  be  attacked  if  the  demand  was  refused."  The  in- 
structions were,  in  fact,  «  to  put  the  male  inhabitants  of  Block  Island  to  death, 
and  capture  their  wives  and  children,  unless  there  was  immediate  compliance. 
Numbers  of  Indians  assembled,  and  by  an  interpreter  and  messenger  engaged  in 
parley,  but  as  soon  as  they  understood  what  were  the  only  terms  of  peace  be- 
took themselves  to  the  woods.  Oldham  was,  by  the  showing  of  Bradford  and 
others,  a  bad  man,  obstinate,  factious,  violent.  Determined  to  pursue  his  avoca. 
tion  of  peddling  fire-water  and  trinkets  for  rich  furs  and  wampum,  he  made 
himself  obnoxious  to  Indians  by  trickery  and  overbearing,  and  like  Stone  had 
provoked  his  own  fate.  One  Gallup,  who  arrived  in  another  vessel  almost  at  the 
moment  of  Oldham's  death,  and  after  Oldham's  discharge  of  all  his  fire-arms 
at  Indians,  ran  his  own  vessel  into  the  Indians'  quarters,  and  thus  drove 
many  into  the  sea.  He  reported  that  "  although  the  deck  of  Oldham's  craft  was 
covered  with  Indians  when  he  boarded,  they  fled."  Gallup  said  that  "  Oldham's 
body  was  not  then  cold." 


56  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

he  did  not  pursue  the  enemy  as  soon  as  he  discovered  their 
unwillingness  to  comply  with  the  conditions  proposed. 

It  was  now  "  at  the  approach  of  winter."  Sailing  for  the 
Pequot  country,  he  landed  without  opposition,  the  Indians 
not  suspecting  harm,  but  relying  on  their  treaty.  They  were 
wholly  unprepared  for  the  attack  upon  them.  In  the  course 
of  this  winter,  the  Pequots  attempted  a  union  with  the  Nar- 
ragansetts.  It  was  charged  that  Pequots  had  used  with  Nar- 
ragansetts  such  pernicious  arguments  as  these  :  "  The  Eng- 
lish are  interlopers  and  strangers ;  they  have  already  begun 
to  overspread  the  land  ;  they  came  to  dispossess  us,  and  will 
drive  us  all  out  if  they  are  suffered  to  grow  and  increase. 
If  you  join  the  English  to  subdue  us  you  prepare  the  way  for 
your  own  overthrow,  for  the  English  will  next  turn  and  sub- 
jugate you.  All  that  you  can  hope  from  friendship  of  the 
English  is  the  favor  of  being  last  destroyed.  But  if  you 
hearken  to  Pequots,  we  need  not  fear  the  strength  of  the 
English.  We  need  not  come  to  open  battle  with  them.  We 
will  fire  their  houses,  kill  their  cattle,  and  lie  in  ambush  ;  all 
which  need  be  attended  with  little  danger  to  ourselves.  The 
English  cannot  then  long  subsist ;  they  will  starve,  or  be  forced 
to  leave  this  country."  1 

The  Narragansetts  were  at  first  wavering,  —  strange  if  they 
were  not.  They  doubtless  felt  the  force  of  the  arguments 
employed,  and  saw  the  justice  of  their  cause.  They  were 
half  minded  to  side  with  the  Pequots.  Still,  they  could  not 
forget  former  affronts  and  injuries  received  from  Pequots,  and 
had  some  hope  still  from  the  hitherto  dormant  humanity  of 
the  white  people. 

1  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  listeners  had  "  never  heard  the  story  of  Poly- 
phemus and  Ulysses." 


CHAPTER   IX. 

"  New  towns  planted  on  the  Connecticut  River  were 
quickly  settled  ;  and  all  things  looked  prosperous  for  the  col- 
onies, except  that  the  settlers  needed  to  be  assured  against 
an  enemy  so  strong  and  warlike  as  the  Pequots,  whose  pres- 
ence was  a  constant  annoyance  and  source  of  dread  and  anx- 
iety." 

The  government  of  Connecticut  assembled  at  Hartford, 
May  1,  and  determined  on  war.  It  was,  however,  resolved 
to  seek  aid  from  the  governments  of  Plymouth  and  Massa- 
chusetts. Application  was  made  through  Governor  Vane, 
and  "  all  were  found  to  be  cordially  willing." 

Already  had  an  embassy  been  sent  to  the  Narragansetts 
from  the  Massachusetts  government,  and  was  "  received  by 
Canonicus  with  favor  and  in  his  best  style."  A  son  of 
this  great  Sachem's  youngest  brother  was  at  the  time  chief 
minister,  and  in  fact  was,  in  consideration  of  the  Sachem's 
great  age  and  many  infirmities,  the  acting  Sachem.  He  was 
Miantonimo.  Both  he  and  his  uncle  acceded  to  the  overtures 
of  the  Massachusetts  delegation  favoring  English  rather  than 
Pequots. 

The  reception  of  the  embassy  sent  to  Canonicus  was  thus 
described  by  the  ambassadors  :  "  The  audience-chamber  was  a 
house  fifty  feet  in  diameter,  made  of  poles  set  in  the  ground 
and  gathered  at  the  top  save  an  opening  to  let  out  the  smoke ; 
the  floor  was  covered  with  mats.  On  one  the  old  Sachem 
was  seated ;  his  nobles  were  seated  around,  the  legs  of  each 
doubled,  and  their  knees  touching  their  chins." 

After  transaction  of  business  came  an  entertainment  royal.1 

1  The  ambassadors,  on  their  return  to  Boston,  reported  having  been  "  enter- 
tained on  boiled  chestnuts  and  boiled  puddings  of  Indian-corn  well  pounded  and 
well  filled  with  a  great  store  of  berries,  black  and  somewhat  like  currants." 


58  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBAUISM. 

Canonicus  did  not  fail  to  give  the  Pequots  faithful  counsel, 
designed  to  hush  the  tempest  of  war,  which  he  now  saw  was 
ready  to  break  forth.  Whether,  had  the  Pequots  heeded  his 
advice,  they  would  have  been  saved  is  a  question  of  doubt. 
The  three  colonies  were  combined  for  the  express  purpose  of 
invading  the  Pequot  country  and  destroying  that  people.1 

The  forces  to  engage  in  this  business  were  :  from  Massa- 
chusetts one  hundred  and  sixty  men  under  Captain  Stoughton  ; 
from  Plymouth,  fifty  men  ;  and  from  Connecticut,  ninety. 
The  number  raised  by  each  town  gives  a  pretty  correct  idea 
of  the  proportion,  at  that  time,  of  the  several  settlements  to 
each  other.  Of  those  who  were  to  go,  Boston  was  to  fur- 
nish 26,  Charlestown  12,  Roxbury  10,  Dorchester  13,  Wey- 
mouth 5,  Hingham  6,  Medford  3,  Newbury  8,  Ipswich  17, 
Salem  18,  Saugus  16,  Watertown  14,  Newtown  19,  Marble- 
head  3,  Hartford  42,  Windsor  30,  Wethersfield  18. 

Connecticut  men  being  near  the  intended  scene  of  action, 
it  was  expected  of  them  that  they  would  be  early  in  the  field. 
The  Connecticut  forces  dropped  down  the  river  May  10,  and 
reached  Say  brook  May  17,  where  their  number  was  increased 
by  twenty,  under  Captain  Underbill,  of  Massachusetts,  from 
the  fort ;  by  seventy  Mohegans,  under  command  of  Uncas ; 
and  by  the  addition  of  one  hundred  River  Indians.2     Before 

1  The  Pequot  country  extended  from  Niantick  on  the  west,  to  Rhode  Island 
line  on  the  east ;  embracing  Waterford,  New  London,  and  Montville  west  of  the 
Thames,  and  Groton,  Stonington,  and  North  Stonington  on  the  coast.  All  the 
country  north  of  this,  including  the  county  of  Windham  and  part  of  Tolland,  has 
been  represented  in  books  as  Mohegan.  Some  writers  have  mistaken,  treating 
Pequots  and  Mohegans  as  distinct  tribes.  Uncas,  the  Mohegan  chief,  was  of 
the  royal  Pequot  line.  Both  father  and  mother  were  Pequots.  His  wife,  also, 
was  Pequot,  being  daughter  of  Tatobam,  a  Sachem.  Uncas  himself  had  been 
a  petty  sachem  under  Sassacus,  the  great  prince  of  the  Pequot  nation.  At  the 
time  the  English  came  to  Connecticut,  Uncas  was  in  rebellion,  and,  to  save  him- 
self and  be  avenged  on  Sassacus,  joined  the  English. 

2  Indians  on  the  borders  of  the  Connecticut  were  generally  called  by  the 
colonists  "  River  Indians."  Captain  Patrick,  the  first  of  the  Massachusetts 
quota  ordered  to  march,  had  already  dispatched  letters  from  Providence,  inform- 
ing Captain  Mason,  commander  of  the  Connecticut  forces,  that  he  was  hastening 
to  join  him.  This  Captain  Patrick  is  mentioned  with  particularity,  inasmuch 
as  having  served  in  Holland  in  the  army  he  had  been  brought  over  to  instruct  the 
colonists  in  military  discipline.  He  had,  on  arrival  here,  been  admitted  to  the 
church  in  Watertown,  in  order  to  his  becoming  a  freeman.  So  Hubbard  in- 
forms us. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  59 

the' Plymouth  forces  were  ready,  word  was  sent  to  them  that 
they  "  need  not  come  ;  the  enemy  were  as  good  as  van- 
quished." So  "  prompt  and  energetic  was  the  action  of  troops 
that  were  first  on  the  ground." 

When  the  forces  moved  from  Saybrook,  they  sailed  directly 
past  the  Pequot  harbor,  and  proceeded,  on  the  20th,  to  the 
residence  of  the  chief  Sachem  of  the  Narragansetts.  Mian- 
tonimo  was  informed  of  the  plans  of  the  English,  and  hun- 
dreds of  his  people  joined.  Proceeding  inland  twenty  miles 
to  the  seat  of  another  Sachem  near  the  frontier  of  the  Pequot 
country,  they  found  that  Sachem  unprepared  for  the  visit. 
Perhaps  his  contiguity  to  Pequots,  admonished  him  that  it 
would  not  be  wise  to  involve  himself  and  people  rashly  in 
a  quarrel  with  near  neighbors.  This  Sachem  was  therefore 
regarded  as  uncivil,  and  suspected  of  being  unfriendly.  He 
would  not  permit  the  forces  to  enter  his  fort,  around  which 
Captain  Mason  placed,  as  a  prudential  measure,  a  strong 
guard  to  prevent  any  one  from  going  out  to  give  alarm. 

Miantonimo,  often  in  requisition,  was  once  more  notified  of 
the  wishes  of  his  white  allies,  and  promptly  repaired  to  them. 
Magistrates  and  clergy  of  Boston  were  all  called  together  to 
receive  him.  An  escort  guard  of  twenty  musketeers  was  sent 
out  to  Roxbury  to  meet  him.  The  result  of  the  interview 
was  an  agreement  with  the  Governor  that  it  was  "  expedient 
to  unite  in  a  war  against  Pequots."  It  was  proposed  that 
"  neither  English  nor  Indians  shall  ever  make  peace  with 
Pequots,  but  shall  utterly  destroy  them." 

The  next  morning  memoranda  were  signed  to  the  follow- 
ing effect :  — 

"  1.  A  firm  and  perpetual  peace  between  the  English  and 
Narragansetts. 

"  2.  Neither  party  to  make  peace  without  the  consent  of 
the  other. 

"  3.  Narragansetts  shall  not  harbor  Pequots. 

"4.  Narragansetts  shall  put  to  death  or  deliver  up  mur- 
derers to  the  English. 

"  5.  And  shall  return  fugitive  servants. 

"  6.  The  English  to  give  notice  when  to  go  out  to  war,  and 
Narragansetts  to  furnish  guides. 


60  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

"  7.  Free  trade  to  be  carried  on  between  the  contracting 
parties. 

"8.  No  Narragansetts  to  come  near  the  English  plantations 
during  the  war  with  the  Pequots,  without  being  accompanied 
by  some  English  man,  or  by  some  Indian  known  to  the  Eng- 
lish." b 

On  the  preceding  memoranda,  called  "  a  treaty,"  it  was 
"noted  that  Cushamquin,  Sachem  of  the  Massachusetts  tribe, 
also  became  a  party  to  this  treaty." 

To  Narragansetts  has  been  generally  allowed  the  credit 
of  having  "  kept  the  preceding  treaty  until  Pequots  were  de- 
stroyed." And  yet  it  was,  in  after  times,  alleged  that  "  the 
Narragansetts  grew  insolent  and  treacherous." 

Early  in  1637,  Pequots  were,  in  addition  to  alleged  assaults 
on  Saybrook  fort,  charged  with  divers  acts  of  enormity,  and 
suspected  of  having  cut  off  persons  passing  up  and  down  the 
river.  The  army,  having  in  its  train  about  five  hundred  In- 
dians, continued  its  march,  and  reached  the  neighborhood  of 
one  of  the  Pequot  forts  on  the  Mystic.  Here  they  encamped. 
Advance  guards  heard  the  enemy  singing  until  midnight,  and 
supposed  the  Pequots  to  be  rejoicing.  The  English  soldiers 
conjectured  that  Pequots  had  seen  the  vessels,  laden  with 
troops,  pass  by  a  few  days  previous,  and  were  elated  by  the 
thought  that  either  the  army  had  not  the  courage  to  attack, 
or  were  pacifically  inclined.  The  simple  fact  is,  Pequots  had 
that  day  made  a  great  haul  of  bass  and  were  enjoying  a 
good  supper,  —  singing  and  dancing,  as  was  usual  at  feasts. 
They  had  been  expecting  a  hostile  demonstration,  and  there- 
fore had  kept  watch  day  and  night.  Now,  after  the  sump- 
tuous feast,  they  fell  asleep  at  a  late  hour,  entirely  unappre- 
hensive of  immediate  danger. 

Captain  Mason  approached  within  a  rod  of  the  fort,  May 
26,  about  two  hours  before  day,  piloted  by  a  renegade  Pequot 
named  Waquash.  A  dog  barked,  and  Indians  were  quickly 
heard  shouting,  "  Owanux  !  Owanux  !"  — that  is,  Englishmen, 
Englishmen.  The  troops  pressed  forward,  and  fired,  through 
the  palisades,  upon  the  amazed  Pequots,  and  entered  the  fort, 
sword  in  hand.  A  severe  conflict  ensued.  Many  Pequots 
were  killed,  but  for  some  moments  victory  seemed  doubtful. 


,      CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  61 

Indians  concealed  themselves  in  and  about  their  wigwams,  and 
from  these  retreats  made  vigorous  use  of  arrows.  Mason,  at 
this  crisis,  called  to  his  men,  "  Burn  them  !  "  It  was  no  sooner 
said  than  his  men  seized  fire-brands  and  set  fire  to  the  mat- 
tings with  which  the  wigwams  were  furnished.  The  wind  be- 
ing favorable,  a  few  moments  sufficed  for  the  flames  to  spread 
from  house  to  house  and  wrap  the  whole  fort  in  one  grand 
blaze.  Mason  and  his  men,  withdrawing,  quickly  encom- 
passed the  fort ;  and  Uncas  and  his  men,  joined  by  Narragan- 
setts,  formed  a  circle  in  rear.  Pequots  were  thrown  into  con- 
sternation :  some,  bewildered  by  fire  and  smoke,  rushed  madly 
into  the  flames ;  some  climbed  the  palisades,  and  were  in- 
stantly brought  down  by  musketry  ;  and  others,  in  consider- 
able numbers,  collected  at  the  windward,  bravely  endeavoring 
to  defend  themselves.  But  what  were  bows  and  arrows  to 
powder  and  buckshot !  It  is  related  that  some  few  brave  Pe- 
quots sprang  forward  with  tomahawks  or  hatchets,  and  made 
stout  resistance,  but  were  soon  vanquished  by  ball  or  bayonet. 
In  a  little  more  than  one  hour,  the  work  of  destruction  was 
complete.  About  seventy  houses  were  burned,  and  seven  hun- 
dred Indians  perished  ! 1  Seven  were  made  prisoners,  and 
seven  only  escaped.  Two  of  the  troops  were  killed,  and  six- 
teen wounded. 

In  about  an  hour  after  this  holocaust,  three  hundred  Pe- 
quots, who  had  taken  alarm,  came  from  the  other  fort,  where 
Sassacus  resided,  about  eight  miles  off,  to  the  aid  of  their 
brethren;  but  they  came  too  late.  Mason's  party  marched 
for  the  harbor,  where  vessels  were  ready  to  receive  them ; 
and  the  Indians  from  Sassacus'  settlement  advanced  only  to 
the  hill  where  the  fated  fort  had  stood.  With  surprise, 
grief,  and  rage,  they  looked  upon  the  desolation,  and  then, 
in  transports  of  passion,  stamping,  howling,  and  tearing  their 

1  Mr.  Morton  says,  •«  Of  those  who  escaped  the  fire,  some  were  slain  by  the 
sword  and  hewed  to  pieces,  or  run  through  by  rapiers.  It  was  a  fearful  sight  to 
see  them  frying  in  the  fire,  streams  of  blood  quenching  the  same ;  and  horrible 
was  the  stench  thereof.  But  the  victory  seemed  a  sweet  sacrifice,  and  the  people 
gave  the  praise  to  God."  Rev.  Dr.  Cotton  Mather,  learned  and  pious,  speaks  of 
the  affair  thus  :  "  Many  of  them  were  broiled  unto  death  in  the  avenging  flames ; 
many,  climbing  to  the  tops  of  palisades,  were  a  fair  mark  for  the  mortiferous  bul- 
lets ;  and  many  who  had  the  resolution  to  issue  forth  were  slain  by  the  English, 
who  stood  ready  to  bid  them  welcome." 


J 


62  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

hair,  rushed  down  the  hill,  determined  on  revenge.1  But 
Mason  held  them  in  check  until  he  and  party  reached  their 
vessels  in  safety. 

"  Mason's  success  and  safe  return  filled  the  colonies  with 
joy  and  thanksgiving.  So  completely  was  the  object  of  the 
expedition  accomplished  that  surviving  Pequots  were  filled 
with  terror  and  despair,  and  fled  from  their  abodes." 2  On 
arrival  of  the  troops  at  Saybrook,  it  was  found  that  Indians 
in  alliance  with  the  English  had  taken  and  brought  in  eight- 
een captives,  —  ten  men  and  eight  females.3  We  stop  not  to 
argue  the  policy  or  morality  of  every  act.  (  Indians  have  been 
regarded  as  proverbially  barbarous ;  but  that  the  more  fre- 
quent and  greater  barbarities  of  their  enemies  were  often  the 
cause  of  their  rage  and  desperation,  cannot  be  doubted./ 

The  preceding  "  affair,"  the  first  of  magnitude  between  the 
natives  and  the  English,  the  Pequot  embroglio,  took  place  in 
Groton,  at  a  place  since  called  Pequot  Hill,  where  was  the 
seat  of  the  Pequot  power  and  the  royal  residence.  One  fort 
was  on  a  commanding  eminence,  a  little  easterly  of  what  is 
now  known  as  Fort  Griswold;  another  fort  was  northwest,  near 
Mystic  River.  The  result  of  the  embroilment  "  struck  such  a 
terror  to  the  Indian  tribes  generally" — so  it  has  been  said, — 
"  that  they  had  no  open  war  with  the  colonists  for  nearly  forty 
years  afterward."  It  has  been  represented  that  the  Pequot 
war  "  was  the  salvation  of  the  infant  colony  of  Connecticut, 

1  Mather  says,  of  the  Indians  who  came  up  from  Sassaeus'  fort,  "  They  were 
like  bears  bereaved  of  their  whelps,  and  continued  a  bloody  fight.  When  they 
came  to  see  the  ashes  of  their  friends  at  the  fort,  and  the  bodies  of  so  many  of 
their  men  horribly  barbecued,  where  the  English  had  been  doing  a  good  morn- 
ing's work,  they  howled,  they  roared,  they  stamped,  they  tore  their  hair,  and 
(though  they  did  not  swear,  for  they  knew  not  how  yet)  they  cursed,  and  were 
pictures  of  so  many  devils  in  desperation." 

2  John  Mason  was  born  in  1600,  in  England,  and  bred  to  arms  in  the  Nether- 
lands. One  of  the  first  settlers  in  Dorchester,  in  1630,  he  removed  thence  to 
Windsor,  Ct.,  in  1635.  Soon  after  the  Pequot  war  he  was  appointed  Major- 
general  of  the  Connecticut  forces.  From  1642  to  1660  he  was  a  magistrate,  and 
then  elected  Deputy-governor.  He  removed  to  Saybrook,  1647,  and  to  Norwich, 
1659,  where  he  died,  1673.  Unlike  Standish,  Mason  was  portly  and  tall,  and 
was  considered  a  gentleman  of  prudence  and  morality. 

8  "Disposal  was  made  of  four  of  the  men,  one  being  given  to  each  Sachem; 
the  other  six  were  put  to  the  sword.  Of  the  females,  four  were  left  at  Saybrook 
fort ;  the  other  four  were  to  have  been  carried  to  the  towns,  but,  some  disagree- 
ment arising  in  regard  to  them,  they  were  all  sacrificed  to  end  the  dispute." 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  63 

and  Hue  ruin  of  the  haughty,  warlike,  and  powerful  Pequot 
tribe." 

Sassacus,  the  chief  Sachem  of  the  Pequots,  after  the  de- 
struction of  so  many  of  his  warriors  and  other  people  in  the 
burning  of  the  one  fort,  proceeded  to  break  down  his  other 
fort,  burned  all  the  wigwams,  put  his  own  and  his  people's 
goods  into  canoes,  and  went  with  his  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren to  Quinepauge.  This  seat  of  Sassacus  is  said  to  have 
been  New  London.  The  great  sachem  is  said  to  have  had 
twenty-six  sachems  subordinate,  one  of  whom  was  Uncas. 

The  force  under  Captain  Stoughton  arriving  at  Saybrook 
the  latter  part  of  June,  Indians  were  again  hunted.1  Now 
and  then  two  or  three  at  a  time  were  found,  whom  the  hunt- 
ers killed  or  took  prisoners,  as  they  found  most  convenient.2 
"  Not  hearing  of  Sassacus,  but  having  on  hand  three  of  his 
Sachems,  they  cut  off  the  heads  of  two  of  them,  and  offered 
the  other  his  life  on  condition  that  he  would  go  and  find  out 
where  Sassacus  kenneled,  and  bring  them  word." 

The  wily  chief  was  led  to  suspect  his  former  friend,  and 
thought  it  expedient  to  change  location.  Shortly  after,  aware 
of  the  purpose  of  his  enemies  to  use  all  means  to  find  and 
destroy  him,  he  was  reported  as  having  fled,  with  some  of  his 
people,  to  the  Mohawks. 

The  same  month,  Stoughton  being  informed  that  a  large 
body  of  Indians,  —  some  eighty  strong,  —  with  two  hundred 
women  and  children,  were  bivouacked  in  a  hideous  swamp  near 
what>  is  now  Fairfield  or  Stratford,  the  swamp  was  surrounded 
and  many  Indians  were  slain.  "  Those  who  remained  alive 
desired  parley,  and  received  assurances  that  their  lives  would 
be  spared  if  they  came  out  and  surrendered ;  exceptions  only 
were  to  be  made  of  those  whose  hands  were  stained  with  Eng- 

1  We  use  the  term  employed  by  the  actors,  whose  sympathies  with  the  trans- 
actions related  forbid  the  thought  of  misrepresentation.  We  certainly  have  no 
wish  to  aggravate  the  case ;  intending  to  give  the  facts  fairly,  we  adhere,  as 
nearly  as  is  practicable,  to  the  words  of  the  narrators. 

2  This  was  doubtless  the  same  expedition  of  which  Governor  Winthrop  wrote 
to  Bradford,  July  28,  1637  :  "About  fourscore  of  our  men,  having  coasted  along, 
sometimes  by  water,  but  most  by  land,  towards  our  Dutch  plantation,  have  met 
with,  here  and  there,  some  Pequots,  whom  they  took  prisoners  and  slew.  Two 
Sachems  they  took  and  beheaded." 


64  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

lish  blood."  This  body  consisted  chiefly  of  various  tribes, 
Pequots  included.  One  Sachem  came  out  of  the  swamp, 
with  ninety-nine  men,  women,  and  children,  and  said,  "  Wam- 
pum I  have  none,  but  I  never  killed  the  English."  The 
robe  which  this  Sachem  wore  was  of  black  beaver  ;  taking 
of!  the  garment,  he  presented  it  to  his  captors.  Other  In- 
dians refused  to  come  out,  saying,  "  We  will  sell  our  lives 
where  we  are."  Arrows  began  to  fly  ;  the  swamp  was  beset, 
and  many  Indians  were  killed.  Not  more  than  twenty  es- 
caped. Some  of  these  Indians  had  guns,  —  the  first  of  which 
we  have  account.  u  Of  prisoners  taken  (and  they  were  many), 
some  were  sent  to  Bermuda;  the  women  and  maid  children 
were  disposed  of  about  the  towns.  There  have  been  slain 
and  taken,  in  all,  about  seven  hundred.  The  rest  are  dis- 
persed.    Indians  are  afraid  to  receive  them."  l 

"Two  Sachems  of  Long  Island  came  and  tendered  them- 
selves to  the  English,  to  be  under  our  protection."  So  says 
a  letter  from  Governor  Winthrop,  which  adds,  "  Two  of  the 
Nepannet  Sachems  have  been  with  us  to  seek  our  friendship. 
Among  prisoners  we  have  the  wife  and  children  of  Mana- 
notto ;  she  is  a  woman  of  very  modest  countenance  and  be- 
havior. One  of  her  first  requests  was  that  the  English  might 
not  abuse  her  body,  and  that  her  children  might  not  be  taken 
from  her." 

1  Although  Governor  Winthrop  tells  us  how  "  the  male  children  were  disposed 
of,"  and  also  what  disposition  was  made  of  "the  women  and  maid  children,"  he 
is  silent  in  regard  to  the  disposal  of  the  great  body  of  the  adult  males.  Hutchin- 
son tells  that  "  many  of  the  captives  were  sent  to  Bermuda  and  sold  as  slaves." 
Enslaving  Indians  had  become  a  mania  with  speculators.  Felt,  in  his  annals  of 
Salem  and  Ipswich,  informs  us  that  it  was  a  common  occurrence  for  voyages  to 
be  made  to  sell  captured  Indians,  and  bring  back  cotton,  tobacco,  salt,  negroes,  etc. 
Mather  enlightens  us  by  the  fervor  with  which  he  relates,  under  the  caption 
"  Arma  virosgue  cano,"  troubles  which  the  churches  have  undergone  in  the  wars 
with  the  Indian  savage.  He  says,  "The  dispersed  became  as  so  many  un- 
kenneled wolves.  However,  Heaven  so  smiled  upon  the  English  hunting  after 
them  that  here  and  there  whole  companies  were  trapanned  into  the  hunter's 
hands.  Particularly  at  one  time  some  hundreds  of  them  were  seized  by  Captain 
Stoughton,  with  little  opposition,  who,  sending  away  the  females  and  children  as 
captives,  put  the  men  on  board  a  vessel  of  one  Skipper  Gallup,  which  proved  a 
Charon's  ferry-boat  unto  them,  for  it  was  found  the  quickest  was  to  feed  the 
fishes  with  'em.  Our  forces  had  frequently  the  satisfaction  of  cutting  them  off 
by  companies." 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  65 

aOur  captains  report,  We  have  slain  thirteen  Sachems,  but 
Sassacus  and  Mananotto  are  still  living."  It  was  subse- 
quently reported  that  Sassacus  and  other  chiefs  had  their 
heads  cut  off  by  Mohawks.1 

l  Morton  significantly  remarks,  "  Whether  to  satisfy  English  or  Narragansetts, 
I  know  not."  Hutchinson  discredits  the  report,  and  says,  "  It  is  more  probable 
that  he  and  his  company  incorporated  with  them."  But  the  historian  of  Con- 
necticut says,  "  The  Mohawks,  dreading  the  resentment  of  the  English,  slew  Sas- 
sacus and  attendants,  and  sent  his  scalp  to  Boston."  Thus  contradictory  are 
accounts.  Mr.  Morton  dwells  with  emphasis  on  "  the  slaughter  of  Pequots  and 
others,  and  on  the  epidemic  which  took  off  many  Indians  and  left  the  occupancy 
of  their  places  to  proper  men."  Morton  regards  all  as  manifest  destiny.  Mr. 
Drake  refers  to  the  "solemn  assurances  of  being  spared  if  Indians  surrender;" 
and  says,  "  Indians  found  the  white  man  had  an  elastic  conscience  ;  true  to  the 
promise  not  to  cut  off  their  heads ;  but  he  will  put  them  on  board  Charon's 
ferry-boat,  and  when  at  sea  will  throw  them  overboard."  Drake  says,  "  Pirates 
were  never  guilty  of  a  bloodier  deed."  It  may  be  asked,  Did  an  Indian  ever  so 
compromise  his  faith  ? 

5 


CHAPTER  X. 

The  Pequots  nearly  extinct,  survivors  were  either  in  slav- 
ery in  foreign  lands,  or  had  become  mixed  with  different 
tribes  and  dare  not  acknowledge  themselves  to  be  Pequots. 
Such  as  had  been  spared  by  their  captors  had  been  required 
to  promise,  not  only  that  they  would  no  longer  live  in  their 
native  country,  but  to  the  humiliating  necessity  was  super- 
added a  declaration  that  they  would  disclaim  their*name  and 
never  again  be  called  Pequots.  Some  few  were  delivered  to 
Mohegans  and  Narragansetts  in  requital  of  services  rendered 
in  the  war  ;  but  even  this  apparent  humane  liberality  was,  in 
twofold  sense,  an  Indian  gift,  for  those  who  received  it  agreed 
to  pay  the  captors  an  annual  sum.1 

It  may  here  be  noted  that  the  quiet  which,  according  to 
Mather,  was  now  enjoyed,  was  far  from  being  a  season  of  rest 
for  Indians.  The  reader  will  notice  how  progressive  was  the 
age.  A  few  years  back  an  Indian  was  recognized  as  a  brother, 
and  a  friend  and  ally  of  King  James  ;  now  he  is  liable  to 
charge  of  sedition  if  he  does  not  tamely  submit  to  injury. 
Mather  confesses  "  there  were  near  approaches  to  a  war  be- 
tween the  English  and  several  nations  of  Indians,  but  war 
was  happily  prevented  by  an  obsta  principiis.2 

1  Mather  says,  in  his  boastful  account  of  "  troubles  with  Pequots,"  "  By  such 
methods  as  these  was  a  period  put  to  the  war ;  the  few  Pequots  that  survived 
submitted  themselves  to  English  mercy,  and  the  rest  of  the  Indians  who  saw  a 
little  handful  of  Englishmen  massacre  and  capture  seven  hundred  adversaries 
and  kill  no  less  than  thirteen  Sachems  in  one  short  expedition ;  such  a  terror 
from  God  fell  upon  them  that  after,  for  near  forty  years  together,  the  land  rested 
from  war,  even  unto  the  time  when  the  sins  of  the  land  called  for  a  new  scourge, 
and  Indians,  being  taught  the  use  of  guns,  were  capable  of  being  made  instru- 
ments of  inflicting  it." 

2  Sundry  vagabond  English  killed  an  Indian  in  1638,  and  Narragansetts,  to 
whose  tribe  he  belonged,  were  on  the  point  of  rising     But,  as  the  records  tell, 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  67 

In  1639,  September  25,  the  aged  and  infirm  Massasoit  was 
required  to  come  with  his  eldest  son  and  heir,  Wamsutta,  and 
renew,  in  open  court,  the  ancient  league.  They  must,  in  ad- 
dition, promise  that  they  will  neither  give,  sell,  npr  convey, 
without  consent  of  the  government  of  Plymouth,  any  of  the 
Indian  lands,  territories,  or  possessions. 

A  watchful  eye  was,  from  time  to  time,  kept  on  all  Indian 
possessions.  This  espionage  was  grievous.  Prohibitions  of 
purchase  or  sale  extended  to  arms  and  ammunition,  and  even 
to  horses,  canoes,  or  boats  of  any  sort.  The  penalties  were 
severe.     Such  doings  were  not  things  that  insure  peace. 

And  now,  1642,  it  was  thought  there  was  a  general  design 
of  Indians  against  the  colonies  ;  and  the  alarm  was  intensi- 
fied by  knowledge  of  the  fact  that  Indians  were  becoming  ac- 
customed to  the  use  of  guns.  The  people  were  exhorted  by 
the  magistrates  to  be  vigilant.  Colonists  generally  took  good 
care  to  have  muskets  kept  in  order.  The  principal  in  all  con- 
jectures of  mischief  was  said  to  be  Miantonimo. 

A  deputation  was  quickly  sent  by  the  Massachusetts  Gov- 
ernment to  demand  of  the  Narragansett  Chief  that  he  either 
come  himself  or  send  two  of  his  ablest  councilors,  to  give 
satisfaction.  At  the  same  moment,  Connecticut  was  also  mov- 
ing in  the  matter,  and  proposed  to  the  United  Colonies  to  fall 
at  once  upon  the  Narragansetts,  and  offered  to  send  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  men  to  Saybrook,  to  be  joined  by  a  pro- 
portionate force.  The  Massachusetts  government  doubted 
whether  it  had  sufficient  proof  of  the  design  of  Indians  to 
justify  war,  but  was  of  the  opinion  that  the  expediency  of 
disarming  Indians  was  obvious.  By  that  decision  the  doom 
of  the  Indians  was  sealed.  Whatever  future  negotiations,  the 
malediction  of  Rev.  Increase  Mather,  viz.  :  "  If  God  do  not 
destroy  that  people,  then  say  His  spirit  hath  not  spoken  by 
me,"  was  not  without  meaning. 

Miantonimo,  so  often  demanded  (and  no  doubt  the  demand 
was  thought  by  him  unreasonable  and  persecutious)  came 
again  promptly  to  Boston.     He  demanded  that  the  accusers 

"  when  the  justice  of  the  English  was  seen,  executing  three  Englishmen  for  the 
murder  of  one  Indian,  it  so  astonished  the  Indians  that  they  laid  aside  their  in- 
clination to  insurrection." 


68  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

be  brought  into  court  before  him,  face  to  face,  and  that,  fail- 
ing to  prove  his  unfriendly  designs,  they  suffer  the  punish- 
ment to  which  the  accused  would  be  exposed  if  guilty.1  Two 
days  were."  spent  in  preparation  for  a  treaty."  Still,  "  regard- 
less of  the  Sachem's  protestations  and  professions,  the  people 
of  Connecticut  were  desirous  of  falling  at  once  upon  him,  and 
could  not  easily  be  dissuaded."  Through  the  influence  of 
Massachusetts  the  Connecticut  men  consented  to  desist,  for 
the  present,  from  a  resort  to  arms.  But  the  minds  of  people 
at  large  still  continued  restless,  so  possessed  with  the  idea  of 
"  general  conspiracy  "  were  they.  Any  unusual  noise  at  night 
ofttimes  became  occasion  for  alarm.2 

It  is  not  to  be  concealed  that  the  religious  disputes  and 
animosities  which  in  all  these  years  prevailed,  and  the  peculiar 
policy  of  the  several  colonies,  together  with  a  constant  reach- 
ing for  individual  gain,  did  much  to  prejudice  the  peace  and 
safety  of  Indians.3 

The  government  of  Massachusetts  felt  called  upon,  Octo- 
ber, 1642,  to  issue  a  precept  requiring  the  people  of  Provi- 
dence Plantation  to  submit  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachu- 
setts. The  purchase  of  Aquidneck,  alias  Rhode  Island,  was 
the  provocative  cause  of  the  action  of  Massachusetts.4     The 

1  Miantonimo  expressed  his  belief  that  the  pretended  reports  to  his  disadvan- 
tage were  machinations  of  Uncas,  Sachem  of  Mohegans.  He  would  speak  only 
in  presence  of  his  own  chief  men,  that  they  might  witness  all.  "  His  whole  de- 
fense was,  to  the  court  and  listeners,  presented  with  surprising  ingenuity." 
Throughout  his  entire  examination,  the  bearing  of  the  Sachem  was  grave,  and  all 
his  answers  were  deliberate.  He  peremptorily  denied  all  the  things  of  which  he 
had  been  accused.  Perfectly  willing  to  renew  former  engagements,  he  even 
pledged  himself  that  if  any  Indians,  not  excepting  the  Niantics,  who  were  his 
own  blood,  were  to  do  any  wrong  to  the  colonists,  which  neither  he  nor  they 
could  satisfy  short  of  shedding  blood,  he  would  deliver  the  offenders  and  leave 
them  to  the  mercy  of  the  colonists. 

2  Mr.  Hubbard  relates  that  "  September  19,  1642,  a  poor  man  being  near  a 
swamp  in  Watertown,  and  hearing  the  howling  of  a  kennel  of  wolves,  was  so 
frightened  that  his  cry  for  help  occasioned  alarm  that  extended  remotely,  even  to 
towns  near  Boston." 

8  The  enactments  of  courts  and  the  provisions  inserted  in  Indian  treaties  to 
restrain  natives  in  the  disposal  of  lands  were  probably  the  result  of  local  policy 
quite  as  much  as  greed  for  extension  and  aggrandizement. 

4  During  the  experience  of  Massachusetts  with  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  in  all  which 
time  crimination  was  rampant,  Mr.  Hutchinson,  since  his  wife  was  for  alleged 
heresy  to  be  banished,  sold  his  estate  in  the  colony  and  became  associated  with 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  69 

island  was  sold  to  Mr.  Coddington  by  Canonicus,  chief  Sa- 
chem of  the  Narragansetts  and  Niantics,  March  29,  1637.1 
Roger  Williams  had,  under  similar  circumstances,  obtained  a 
grant  of  land  between  Pawtucket  and  Moshawsuc  rivers,  and 
had  two  years  previous  escaped  to  Seekonk,  seeking  a  retreat 
among  Narragansetts.  Canonicus  had  received  Mr.  Williams 
kindly,  and  generously  made  him  and  companions  a  present 
of  all  that  neck  of  land  between  the  two  rivers.  Mr.  Williams 
took  possession,  and  the  Sachem  gave  him  a  deed  bearing  the 
same  date  with  the  conveyances  given  to  Mr.  Coddington  and 
associates. 

Mr.  Williams'  proverbially  friendly  disposition  involved  him 
incidentally  in  a  trouble,  the  mention  of  which  we  thought  to 
pass  by,  —  the  hospitality  extended  to  Samuel  Gorton.2 

Wm.  Coddington  and.  others,  who  had,  like  them,  been  driven  from  Boston.  Mr. 
Coddington,  who  was  prior  a  merchant  in  Boston,  with  a  large  property  in 
Braintree,  was  a  staunch  advocate  for  liberty  of  conscience.  The  husband  of 
Mrs.  Hutchinson  died  in  1642,  and  thereupon  she  removed  to  the  Dutch  colony 
beyond  New  Haven,  where  the  nxet  year  her  son,  with  herself  and  her  whole 
household  of  sixteen  persons,  were  murdered  !  Opponents  to  her  religious  views 
thought  her  fate  was  "  a  remarkable  judgment  of  God  for  heresy."  Her  par- 
tisans charged  the  guilt  of  the  murder  to  the  colony  which  had  banished  her. 
We  do  not  undertake  to  scan  the  merits  of  questions  theological  or  otherwise. 
It  is  right,  however,  to  say  that  "  Mrs.  Hutchinson  had  located  on  land  in  con- 
troversy between  the  natives  and  the  Dutch." 

1  Fifty  years  after,  Mr.  Williams  deposed,  "  I  declare  to  posterity  that  were  it 
not  for  the  favor  which  God  gave  me  in  Canonicus  none  of  these  parts  —  no,  not 
Khode  Island  —  had  been  purchased  or  obtained,  for  I  never  got  anything  of  Ca- 
nonicus but  by  gift.  And  I  desire  posterity  to  see  the  gracious  hand  of  the  Most 
High,  that,  when  the  hearts  of  my  countrymen  and  friends  and  brethren  failed 
me,  His  infinite  goodness  stirred  the  barbarous  heart  of  Canonicus  to  love  me  as 
his  own  son  to  the  last  gasp." 

2  Mr.  Gorton's  career  is  so  interwoven  with  Indian  history,  that  we  cannot 
consistently  avoid  him.  He  came  from  London  to  Boston,  1636.  There  charged 
with  heresy,  he  was  driven  out.  At  Plymouth,  whither  he  went  next,  the  charge 
was  renewed ;  and,  after  infliction  of  public  chastisement  by  order  of  court,  he 
fled  to  Providence,  where  Mr.  Williams'  humanity  gave  him  shelter.  It  was 
charged  by  Bostonians  that  Gorton,  finding  in  Providence  certain  of  his  own 
disposition,  fond  of  novelties  in  religion,  was  negotiating  for  Indian  lands.  To 
forestall  his  movements,  the  demand  that  the  Providence  Plantation  submit  to 
Massachusetts.  Gorton's  reply  to  messengers  bearing  the  requisition  was, 
"  Massachusetts  has  no  authority  over  the  people  of  Providence."  This  was 
thought  to  be  contemptuous.  Gorton  and  eleven  associates,  "  in  order  to  be  yet 
further  removed,  purchased  the  tract  called  Shawomet.  It  turned  out  the  land 
purchased  was  already  claimed  by  the  Massachusetts  government,  who  asserted 
it  to  be  under  its  jurisdiction.    Gorton's  deed  was  from  Miantonimo,  chief  Sachem 


TO  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

Massachusetts  looked  into  the  matter  of  the  lands  claimed 
as  deriving  their  titles  from  differing  sources.  A  conference 
with  Pnmham  and  Sachonico,  Sagamores  residing  respectively 
at  Shawomet  and  Pawtuxet,  was  sought.  These  Sagamores 
were,  through  an  interpreter,  induced  to  come  to  Boston  and 
"  complain  of  Gorton."  They  offered  themselves  "  to  be  sub- 
ject to  Massachusetts,"  an  instrument  to  which  effect  was 
written  for  them  to  sign  April  22,  1643.1 

The  government  also  sent  messengers  to  Gorton  and  his 
associates,  to  inform  them  of  their  being  within  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  Massachusetts,  and  to  demand  their  appearance  in 
Boston  "  to  answer  complaints  for  injuries  done  to  Indians." 
The  messengers  were  instructed  to  promise  Gorton  and  com- 
pany safe  conduct.  A  verbal  answer  was  returned,  the  pur- 
port of  which  was  that  they  were  "  out  of  the  Massachusetts' 
jurisdiction,  and  acknowledged  subjection  to  none  but  the 
state  and  government  of  Old  England."  Although  it  is  said 
that  "  Miantonimo,  when  summoned  to  Boston,  made  answer 
promptly,"  it  is  added  that  "  he  did  not  make  out  his  right  to 
the  Indian  country,  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  court." 

Other  and  more  formidable  messengers  were  sent,  announ- 
cing to  Gorton  and  company  that  "  commissioners  were  ap- 
pointed by  the  honorable  court  to  hear  and  determine  the 
controversy,  namely,  Captain  Cooke,  Lieutenant  Atherton, 
and  Edward  Johnson,  with  military  —  forty  soldiers."  It  was 
directed  that  "  if  Gorton  and  company  refuse,  they  be  ar- 
rested, taken  to  Boston,  and  imprisoned." 

Gorton  and  associates  being  brought  coram  nobis,  the 
charges  exhibited  were  summed  up  as  follows  :  "  Upon  much 
examination  and  serious  consideration  of  your  writings, 
with  your  answers  about  them,  we  do  charge  you  as  a  blas- 

of  the  Narragansetts,  January  17,  1642;  and  purported  to  have  heen  given  in 
consideration  of  one  hundred  and  forty-four  fathoms  of  wampum.  A  fathom  of 
wampum  was  a  string  of  beads  six  feet  in  length,  valued  at  five  shillings  and 
eightpence  sterling.  The  purchase  embraced  what  was  subsequently  called 
Warwick,  in  honor  of  the  earl  of  that  name,  by  whose  influence  Gorton  was,  in 
1648,  restored  to  his  despoiled  home. 

1  Pumham  lived  on  lands  adjoining  those  sold  by  Miantonimo,  but  Mr.  Wins- 
low  decided  that  "Pumham  had  received  no  consideration."  It  is  not  probable 
that  either  of  the  Indians  conveyed  to  Boston,  understood  the  nature  of  the  al- 
leged transactions.     They  were  both  tributary  to  the  Sachem. 


•     CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  71 

phemous  enemy  of  the  true  religion  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
and  His  holy  ordinances,  and  also  of  civil  authority  among 
the  people  of  God  and  particularly  in  this  jurisdiction.1 

It  is,  after  all  that  has  been  objected  against  Mr.  Samuel 
Gorton,  simply  proper  to  say :  Whatever  heresies  may  have 
been  imputed  to  him,  he  was  not  void  of  talent.  His  "  judges 
were  seriously  embarrassed  by  the  ability  hs  displayed."  His 
"  executors  were  ecclesiastics  who  disapproved  of  his  religious 
sentiments.,,  "  Condemned  and  sentenced  to  confinement  in 
Charlestown,  there  to  be  kept  at  work,  wearing  such  bolts  and 
irons  as  may  hinder  his  escape  ;  and  if  he  shall  break  his  con- 
finement, or  by  speech  or  writing  shall  publish  or  maintain , 
any  of  the  blasphemous  and  abominable  heresies  wherewith 
he  has  been  charged  by  this  General  Court,  or  shall  reproach 
or  reprove  the  churches  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  in  these 
parts  or  the  civil  government,  he  shall  upon  conviction  of 
the  same  be  put  to  death."  This  is  indeed  a  summing-up  that 
is  startling !  "  All  the  magistrates  but  three  were  of  the 
opinion  that  he  should  be  put  to  death.  The  deputies  were 
in  favor  of  a  milder  punishment.  His  associates  were  con- 
demned to  be  confined  in  different  towns,  one  in  each  ;  their 
cattle  were  taken  and  sold  to  pay  the  expenses  of  trial  and 
imprisonment."  "  After  a  few  months,  many  persons  were 
so  dissatisfied  with  the  sentence  that  this,  with  other  causes, 
induced  the  court  to  substitute  banishment." 

It  may  be  of  interest  to  the  reader  to  know  that  Mr.  Gor- 
ton went  back  to  England  in  1644,  and  carried  with  him  a 
deed  from  the  Narragansetts,  transferring  their  whole  ter- 
ritory to  the  King  of  England,  and  that  an  order  of  Parlia- 
ment gave  to  Mr.  Gorton  peaceable  possession.  Mr.  Gorton, 
returning  from  England  in  1648,  "  officiated  as  minister  at 
Warwick."  2 

i  Gorton's  opinions  were,  some  of  them,  doubtless  erroneous.  Upon  such 
subjects  we  do  not  propose  here  to  remark,  except  to  say  "  the  worst  of  them 
were  coincident  with  the  antinomian  sentiments  that  day  prevalent."  The 
merits  of  the  titular  question  seem  to  have  been  strangely  overlooked  by  the 
court,  almost  everything  giving  place,  apparently,  to  ecclesiastical  agitations. 

2  It  said  of  him  that  "  without  great  advantages  of  education  he  made  him- 
self acquainted  with  Hebrew  and  Greek,  that  he  might  better  understand  the 
Scriptures."  The  author  of  some  published  works,  his  "  Glass  for  the  People  of 
New  England  "  was,  perhaps,  the  most  remarkable. 


CHAPTER   XL 

The  reader  will  not  be  surprised  to  learn  that  this  year, 
1643,  by  reason  of  the  plotting  of  Indians  ever  since  the 
Pequot  war,  the  Narragansetts  have  been  drawn  into  a  con- 
spiracy.1 Preparation  was  made  for  an  expedition,  May  16. 
Commissioners  were  appointed  from  each  government,  whose 
duties  were  to  assemble  on  all  extraordinary  occasions,  and  to 
meet  in  turn  at  Boston,  Hartford,  New  Haven,  and  Plymouth ; 
and  with  these  officials  were  to  rest  all  questions  of  war.2 

Indians  were  at  this  time  at  war  among  themselves.  Mian- 
tonimo  not  being  able,  as  we  are  told,  to  unite  against  the 
English,  but  showing  resentment  against  Uncas,  Pumham, 
and  Sachonico,  the  commissioners  ordered  a  strong  house 
with  palisades  to  be  built,  and  stationed  a  garrison  in  the 
country  of  these  Sachems.  What  evidence  existed  of  any 
demonstration  against  the  petty  Sachems  of  Shawomet  and 
Pawtuxet  we  have  never  heard.  The  difficulty  between 
Miantonimo  and  Uncas  is  patent. 

Sequasson,  Sachem  of  the  River  Indians,  having  the  last  year 
been  attacked  by  Uncas,  wigwams  burned,  and  about  twenty 
men  killed  and  wounded,  and  Sequasson  having  appealed  to 
his  own  near  kinsman  and  ally,  who  felt  it  a  duty  to  listen, 
Miantonimo  inquired  of  the  Governor  of  Connecticut  whether 
it  would  be  an  offense  to  the  colonies  to  make  war  upon  Uncas. 
The  Governor  replied,  "  If  Uncas  has  injured  you  and  refuses 
to  give  satisfaction,  you  will  be  at  liberty  to  take  your  own 

1  This  was  said  to  be  "evident  by  many  discoveries  and  by  free  confessions 
of  sundry  Indians,  leading  the  English  to  think  of  means  to  prevent  the  same  ; 
in  which  respect,  together  with  divers  others  and  more  weighty  reasons,  the  four 
colonies  entered  into  a  near  union  and  confederation."  This  union  lasted 
until  1686. 

2  The  commissioners  were  expected  to  be  "  church  members." 


■     CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  73 

course."  The  answer  was  naturally  understood  to  be  a  sub- 
mission of  the  matter  to  Miantonimo's  judgment  ;  and  upon 
this  men  were  marched  to  Mohegan. 

As  the  two  enemies  approached,  Uncas,  who  was  by  repu- 
tation both  cunning  and  tricky,  and  had  by  long  submission 
as  a  tool  for  white  people  lost  none  of  his  natural  traits,  re- 
sorted to  strategy  ;  he  desired  a  parley.  Miantonimo  could 
afford  to  grant  it ;  for  his  own  force  was  the  superior.  The 
armies  halted.  Uncas,  affecting  to  be  desirous  of  preventing 
needless  waste  of  life,  proposed  a  decision  by  single  combat : 
"  If  you  kill  me,  my  men  shall  be  yours  ;  if  I  kill  you,  your 
men  shall  be  mine."  Uncas  had,  before  this,  given  secret  in- 
structions to  his  men  to  fall  instantly  to  the  ground.  They 
let  arrows  fly  at  the  Narragansetts,  and  instantly  rushed  upon 
them  with  paralyzing  fury,  and,  following  the  vantage,  pressed 
Miantonimo's  men  over  a  rocky  precipice.  The  proud  Sachem 
of  the  Narragansetts,  seeing  himself  outwitted  and  surrounded 
by  enemies,  sat  down  sullenly.  Uncas  and  his  men,  greedy 
for  the  prey,  uttered  a  ferocious  whoop  and  sprang  forward. 
Seizing  their  great  antagonist  by  the  shoulder,  who  did  not 
deign  to  notice  the  wily  Mohegan  chief,  Uncas  demanded, 
"  Why  don't  you  speak  ?  Had  you  taken  me,  I  would  ask  for 
life."     Miantonimo  scorned  to  reply. 

In  the  engagement,  about  thirty  Narragansetts  were  killed 
and  many  were  wounded.  Among  them  were  a  brother  of 
Miantonimo  and  two  sons  of  Canonicus.  Miantonimo  was 
taken  to  Hartford,  and  there  kept  under  guard  to  await  the 
assembling  of  the  commissioners  at  Boston.  Uncas  dare  not 
dispose  of  his  prisoner  without  advice.  Commissioners,  after 
much  deliberation,  resolved  that  Miantonimo  ought  to  die, 
for  having  been  at  the  head  of  a  conspiracy ;  and,  moreover, 
that,  inasmuch  as  Uncas  could  not  be  safe  and  Miantonimo 
live,  the  Narragansett  Sachem  must  be  put  to  death  as  a 
bloodthirsty  enemy.  They  decided,  however,  that  the  deed 
"  ought  not  to  be  done  within  English  jurisdiction."  They, 
moreover,  advised  Uncas  "to  inflict  no  torture."  Miantonimo 
was  ordered  "  to  wait,  under  the  charge  of  a  competent  num- 
ber of  principal  men,  at  Hartford,  for  instructions."  1     Uncas 

1  The  manner  of  the  final  sentence  was  base.     Such  decision  respecting  an 


74  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

was  directed  to  "  march  the  prisoner  back  to  the  place  of 
capture  ;  and  citizens  were  sent  to  accompany  Indians  and 
see  the  sentence  properly  executed."  The  moment  of  arrival 
at  the  ground,  one  of  Uncas'  men,  marching  behind  Mian- 
tonimo,  cleft  his  head  with  a  hatchet.  The  noble  Sachem 
probably  did  not  know  the  manner  of  his  fate.1 

Soldiers  were  sent  to  defend  the  Mohegan  against  possible 
assaults  of  Narragan setts. 

About  this  time  several  Sachems  professed  friendship, 
among  whom  were  Yoncho  of  Long  Island,  and  Passacon- 
away  and  his  sons  of  Merrimack.  Severe  penalties  were  now 
ordered  to  be  inflicted  for  so  much  as  repairing  any  Indian's 
gun.  Governor  Bradford's  apprehension  of  danger  from  the 
introduction  of  fire-arms  was  being  realized. 

At  "  a  meeting  extraordinary  "  held  in  Boston,  the  Com- 
missioners thought  it  necessary  to  send  messengers  to  Sachems 
both  Narragansett  and  Mohegan,  requiring  a  suspension  of 
all  warlike  movements  ;  and  also  that  said  Sachems  report 
themselves  at  Boston.  The  Commissioners  were  perhaps  mis- 
taken in  their  opinion  that  the  "  Narragansetts  were  en- 
raged." 

That  nation  was  panic-stricken  and  filled  with  sorrow.  But 
the  real  fear  of  the  Commissioners  was  lest  Narragansetts, 
notwithstanding  their  discomfiture  by  Uncas,  would  yet  be 
victorious ;  they  were  more  numerous  than  Mohegans,  and 
still  had  Canonicus,  Pessicus,  and  other  stout  warriors  at  the 
head  of  their  armies.     The  fear  was  that  as  soon  as  Mohe- 

ancient  ally  has  been  justly  stigmatized  as  both  ungenerous  and  iniquitous.  No 
wonder  if  the  indignation  of  Canonicus  and  Pessicus  be  stirred  when  they  come 
to  understand  the  circumstances;  nor  will  it  be  strange  if  such  proceedings 
"foster  in  their  breasts  a  contempt  for  Christianity." 

1  Uncas,  it  is  related  in  annals  of  the  times,  "  cut  a  large  slice  from  his  enemy's 
shoulder  and  ate  it,  saying,  'It  makes  my  heart  strong.  It  is  the  sweetest  meat  I 
ever  tasted.'  "  Trumbul  and  others  tell  us  that  this  affair  "  was  in  the  eastern 
part  of  Norwich,  now  called  Sachem's  Plain,  and  that  the  body  was  buried  where 
it  fell." 

Francis  Parkman,  LL.  D.,  in  a  work  recently  issued  by  Little  and  Brown, 
shows  that  the  Iroquois  of  New  France  (as  a  part  of  the  territory  of  one  of  the 
Canadas  was  called)  were  cannibals.  But  we  are  not  certified  of  the  existence, 
at  any  time,  of  other  man-eaters  in  North  America ;  if  we  except  the  solitary 
instance  of  Uncas,  the  Pequot,  who,  it  has  been  said,  on  authority  of  doubtful 
gossip,  "  cut  a  large  slice  from  Miantonimo's  shoulder  and  ate  it." 


■CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  15 

gans  were  subdued  Narragansetts  would  fall  on  the  English. 
Canonicus  was  yet  living,  but  very  aged.1 

Narragansetts  had,  prior  to  the  unfortunate  decision  against 
Miantonimo,  paid  a  great  sura,  hoping  to  ransom  their  chief. 
They  had  also,  besides  what  had  been  paid  to  Uncas,  given  to 
the  Commissioners  £40  sterling  to  insure  his  safety.  They 
had  not,  before  the  humiliating  event  of  the  Chief's  murder, 
so  much  as  dreamed  that  any  one  could  be  faithless  in  the 
case.  Faithful  themselves,  and  trusting  to  the  honor  of  their 
white  allies,  they  continued,  in  all  simplicity,  to  attribute  the 
act  to  Uncas.  They  did  not,  for  a  long  time,  even  suspect 
the  Commissioners  of  having  secretly  corrupted  the  false  In- 
dian, and  employed  him  and  men  to  do  the  bloody  deed. 

1  Mr.  Williams  relates  of  Canonicus  that  the  old  chief  once  solemnly  assured 
him,  "  I  have  never  suffered  any  wrong  to  be  offered  to  the  English  since  they 
landed,  and  never  will.  If  the  English  speak  true,  then  I  will  go  to  my  grave  in 
peace."  Mr.  Williams  expressed  hope  that  the  Sachem  might  have  no  cause 
for  distrust.  The  old  man  thereupon  took  a  stick,  and  breaking  it  in  pieces  lay 
down  piece  after  piece,  counting  ten,  as  instances  in  which  he  had  experienced  the 
unfaithfulness  of  English  people,  saying,  "These  things  awaken  my  fears." 
Canonicus  died  in  1647. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Soon  after  Miantonimo's  death,  his  brother  and  successor, 
Pessicus,  unsuspicious  of  treachery  or  duplicity,  sent  a  rich 
present  of  furs  and  wampum  to  the  Governor  of  Massachu- 
setts, requesting  neutrality  in  an  expiatory  war  which  Pessi- 
cus felt  himself  bound  in  honor  to  wage  against  Uncas. 

Revenge  of  a  brother's  death  was  regarded  a  sacred  duty. 
Pessicus  recognized  a  treaty  obligation  by  thus  giving  notice 
of  intention.  The  Governor  thought  that  the  request  was  not 
such  as  a  Christian  people  can  sanction. 

Unmindful  that  Indians  have  rights,  we  are  apt  to  attach 
little  importance  to  their  affairs.  Did  we  consider  Miantonimo 
the  head  of  a  state,  and  that  state  civilized,  it  were  easier  to 
understand  what  is  due  to  offended  justice. 

The  present  of  Pessicus  was  accepted,  and  a  cold  intima- 
tion was  given  that  "  peace  must  be  preserved."  This  was 
not  satisfactory  ;  and  so  Pessicus  sent  again,  urging,  by  many 
arguments,  what  the  Indian  conceived  to  be  a  reasonable  re- 
quest. 

The  conditions  on  which  the  wampum  and  furs  had  been 
offered  were  of  course  refused.  The  present,  however,  was 
permitted  to  be  left,  and  the  messengers  were  detained,  osten- 
sibly that  there  might  be  "  time  to  advise  with  the  Sachems." 
Governor  Williams  at  last  told  Pessicus,  candidly,  "If  you 
or  your  people  make  war  upon  Uncas,  the  English  will  fall 
upon  you."  At  this,  the  feelings  of  Pessicus  and  his  friends 
were  deeply  wounded.  They  declared  "  We  will  not  listen 
to  peace  so  long  as  the  head  of  Uncas  remains  on  his  shoul- 
ders." 

It  has  been  sensibly  remarked,  "  History  can  panegyrize 
few  instances  of  nobler  faith  than  that  of  the  untutored  In- 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  77 

dians  who  did  not,  for  a  long  time,  even  suspect  their  allies  of 
having  had  any  part  in  the  death  of  their  Sachem.  Proverb- 
ial themselves  for  fidelity,  it  was  difficult  to  conceive  of  treach- 
ery in  others."  This  people  were  now  to  be  undeceived. 
Messengers  soon  arrived  from  colonial  authorities,  telling  of 
formidable  preparations,  that  brought  to  mind  the  terrible 
fate  of  Pequots.  The  Narragansetts  could  not  understand 
why  their  allies  opposed  the  avenging  the  death  of  Mian- 
tonimo. 

r  Seeing  in  a  clearer  light  the  value  of  treaties  with  colonists, 
(Indian  credulity  ever  trusting  and  always  betrayed  J  the  Nar- 
ragansetts took  advice  of  their  friends  in  Rhode  Island,  and 
sought  the  protection  of  a  Power  which  all  felt  obliged  to 
acknowledge ;  pleading  the  common  relation  of  subjects,  they 
insisted  that  whatever  differences  arise  between  them  and 
the  colonists  be  submitted  to  the  Throne. 

The  Commissioners,  believing  the  Narragansetts  to  be  in 
earnest,  and  regarding  their  contempt  of  advice  sufficient  to 
justify  war,  pushed  forward  measures  to  reduce  them  to  sub- 
mission. The  people  of  different  colonies  were  urged  to 
united  action,  and  men  were  impressed  for  an  expedition, 
orders  being  given  "  not  to  offend  Mohegans,  only  Narragan- 
setts." Further  orders  were  that  "  all  captives  taken  during 
the  campaign,  whether  men,  women,  or  children,  shall  be  im- 
proved for  the  advantage  of  the  colonies." 

The  Narragansetts  now,  whether  sobered  by  reflection,  in- 
timidated by  menace,  or  enervated  by  terror,  abandoned  inten- 
tion of  chastising  Uncas,  and  concluded  to  send  a  deputation 
to  Boston.  Messages  from  Boston  were  therefore  dispatched 
to  headquarters  by  those  in  authority,  saying,  "  Stay  the 
sword  ;  there  is  prospect  of  peace."  The  Commissioners  took 
offense,  and  accused  their  messengers  of  departing  from  in- 
structions. The  fact  was,  the  designs  of  Commissioners  had 
more  in  view  than  peace  ;  more  than  conquest ;  they  were  in- 
tent on  extermination.  They  resolved  to  raise,  with  all  con- 
venient speed,  three  hundred  soldiers ;  Massachusetts  to  fur- 
nish one  hundred  and  ninety,  Plymouth  forty,  Connecticut 
forty,  and  New  Haven  thirty. 

Pessicus  and  other  chief  men  in  behalf  of  the  Narragan- 


J 


78  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

setts,  and  Awasequin  in  behalf  of  the  Niantics  (Ianemo,  the 
ruling  Sachem,  being  then  sick),  came  to  Boston  with  a  ret- 
inue. They  came,  assured  by  the  Commissioners  that  how- 
ever the  treaty  might  end  they  would  receive  no  injury,  and 
would  be  permitted  to  return  home  in  safety. 

These  Indians  found  themselves,  on  reaching  Boston,  ar- 
raigned under  an  accusation  of  having  made  "  war  against  an 
ally  of  Massachusetts,  and  of  putting  the  United  Colonies 
to  great  cost  in  raising  forces  for  defense."  x  They  indignantly 
denied  any  breach  of  covenant,  and  stoutly  insisted  that  their 
entire  course  had  always  been  open,  fair,  and  honorable. 
They  quickly  saw  they  had  no  alternative  but  obedience  or 
annihilation.  Required  (in  addition  to  alleged  war  expenses) 
to  remunerate  Uncas,  restoring  whatever  had  been  taken  from 
him,  the  Indians  pleaded  numerous  injuries  done  by  Uncas, 
and  emphasized  his  having  received  a  ransom  for  Miantonimo's 
life  and  then  treacherously  killing  him.  The  requisition  to 
pay  Uncas  was  most  galling.  Required  to  promise  perpetual 
peace  with  the  English  and  their  allies,  they  had  many  diffi- 
culties in  their  own  minds  to  encounter.  The  final  requisi- 
tion, u  that  you  leave  with  us  some  of  your  children  as  hos- 
tages, touched  the  most  tender  point."  2  They  were,  before 
leaving  Boston,  apprized  that  "  English  forces  were  already, 
in  part,  on  the  march  for  the  Narragansett  country;"  and 
they  were  told  that  themselves  were  suspected  —  of  what  ? 
—  of  "  plotting  for  their  children's  rescue  !  " 

Often  rebuked  for  dilatoriness  in  payment  of  the  indem- 
nity, notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  fingers  of  Narragan- 
sett squaws  were  not  nimble  enough  to  string  two  miles  of 
wampum  in  time  to  satisfy  the  cupidity  of  the  government,3 

1  They  were  told  that  "  it  is  just  that  the  expense  of  the  war  fall  upon  you. 
But  we  will  show  moderation,  and  only  exact  of  you  two  thousand  feet  of  wam- 
pum." The  value  of  the  indemnity  claimed  was  £566  13s.  4c?.;  more  than  the 
tax  levied,  the  same  year,  on  the  whole  colony  of  Massachusetts. 

2  We  have,  in  previous  pages,  intimated  that  Indians  were  remarkable  for  their 
patriotism  and  tender  love  of  offspring.  Unable  to  bear  with  fortitude  the  loss 
of  their  children,  their  future  career  seemed  to  be  destined  to  be  sorrowful 

8  The  squaws  did  all  that  was  possible.  They  even  sold  their  kettles  and  laid 
the  price  at  the  feet  of  their  oppressors.  The  entire  amount  could  not  be  paid 
until  twenty  soldiers  had  been  sent  to  enforce  arrears. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  79 

the  whole  tribe  was  the  object  of  especial  espionage.1  Colo- 
nists seemed  to  be  conscious  that  all  right  to  pacific  regard 
had  been  forfeited,  and  their  general  policy  was  now  changed. 
No  more  did  they  send  ambassadors  with  flattering  promises, 
but  sent  forces  in  martial  array.2 

With  deep  conviction  that  a  disgraceful  issue  of  the  meet- 
ing in  Boston  was  being  enacted,  a  treaty  was  signed  Au- 
gust 30,  1645,  and  hostages  delivered. 

After  this  the  colonists  apprehended  trouble  from  Nini- 
gret.  On  a  recent  visit  to  the  Commissioners,  he  had  shown 
that  his  sympathies  were  with  Pessicus  ;  having  expressed 
opinion  that  the  English  authorities'  demand  on  the  Narra- 
gansetts  was  grievous.  He  had  said,  "  That  people  are  really 
poor."  The  aged  Ninigret  was  uncle  of  the  unfortunate 
Miantonimo.8  When  Captain  Davis  was  "  sent,  with  a  troop 
of  horse,  to  look  after  the  Niantic  Sachem,  the  old  chief  could 
not  at  first  be  found.  His  people  were  panic-stricken.  But 
when  assured  of  Ninigret's  life,  they  contrived  to  comply  with 
the  demand." 

It  was,  thus  circumstanced  and  driven  almost  to  despair, 
that  Narragansetts  appealed  to  the  Crown.  The  restoration 
of  Charles  II.  soon  beheld  agents  of  this  Indian  tribe, 
strangely  commingling  with  Quakers,  Baptists,  and  others, 
imploring  at  the  foot  of  the  Throne  for  protection.  The  ap- 
peal was  not  disregarded.  Instructions  next  sent  over  to 
Royal  Commissioners  mentioned  the  case  of  the  Narragan- 
setts as  especial  object  of  inquiry.  The  instructions  arrived, 
so  it  happened,  too  late ;  the  people  of  Miantonimo  had  well- 
nigh  ceased  to  exist.  Indian  provocation  had,  by  appeal  to 
the  Crown,  reached  its  acme. 

If,  in  the  orderings  of  Providence,  God,  at  a  later  day,  raise 

1  If  a  brother  Indian  was  treated  with  attention,  that  was  regarded  as  indicative 
of  coalition  ;  if  an  Indian  resisted  an  injury,  that  was  magnified  into  evidence 
of  hostile  preparation. 

2  The  deficit  of  indemnity  was  three  hundred  fathoms.  An  officer,  pistol  in 
hand,  seized  the  Sachem  by  the  hair  and  threatened  death  if  the  amount  were  not 
instantly  paid.     The  soldiers  departed  in  triumph. 

3  It  may  here  be  remembered  that  both  Ninigret  and  his  nephew  had  been 
faithful  co-workers  with  the  colonists  in  Pequot  troubles.  Each  received  his 
quota  of  prisoners,  for  whom  annual  tribute  was  paid. 


80  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

up  men  of  sober  reflection,  candor,  and  prominence,  to  speak 
a  favoring  word  for  the  oppressed  and  down-trodden,  shall 
not  such  friendly  word  be  heard  ?  Mr.  Washington  Irving 
says,  "  The  Indian  obeys  the  impulses  of  his  inclination  and 
the  dictates  of  his  judgment.  The  early  records  mention 
with  great  bitterness  the  doings  of  Indians,  and  with  strong 
approval  the  strides  of  civilization  in  the  blood  of  the  red 
man.  They  show  us  but  too  clearly  how  the  white  man  was 
moved  to  hostility  by  the  lust  of  conquest,  and  how  merciless 
and  exterminating  was  the  warfare.  Imagination  shrinks  at 
the  idea  how  many  intellectual  beings  were  hunted  from 
earth ;  how  many  brave  and  noble  hearts  of  nature's  stern- 
est coinage  were  broken  down  and  trampled  in  the  dust. 
Treated  by  the  colonist  as  if  wild  beasts  of  the  forest,  writers 
have  endeavored  to  justify  the  outrage.  The  colonist  found 
it  easier  to  exterminate  than  to  civilize  •)  his  apologists  have 
found  it  easier  to  vilify  the  Indians  than  to  discriminate.  The 
appellations  savage  and  pagan  have  been  deemed  sufficient  to 
sanction  hostilities  ;  and  thus  the  wanderers  of  the  forest  were 
persecuted  and  defamed,  not  because  they  were  guilty,  but 
because  they  were  ignorant The  rights  of  the  sav- 
age have  seldom  been  properly  appreciated  or  respected  by 

the  white   man A  proud  independence  formed  the 

the  main  pillar  of  savage  virtue ;  it  has  been  shaken  down, 
and  the  whole  fabric  lies  in  ruins." 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

An  act  of  Parliament,  July  27,  1649,  incorporated  "  A 
Company  for  Promoting  the  Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ  among 
the  Indians  in  New  England."  The  work  of  translating  the 
Holy  Scriptures  into  the  Indian  language  was  begun  at  the  ex- 
pense of  a  gentleman  in  London.  A  work  of  so  great  mag- 
nitude could  not  be  hastily  accomplished.  Mr.  Eliot  had 
made  attempt  to  impart  religious  instruction  to  the  Indians 
by  preaching. 

In  the  Epistle  Dedicatory  of  the  translation  of  the  New 
Testament,  addressed  to  King  Charles  by  "  commissioners  of 
the  four  colonies,"  they  declare  that  one  "  object  of  the  col- 
onies in  planting  themselves  here  was  that  they  might  be  in- 
strumental in  spreading  the  light  of  the  Gospel,  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  Son  of  God,  our  Saviour,  to  the  barbarous  heathen  ; 
which,  by  his  late  majesty,  in  some  of  our  patents,  is  declared 
to  be  the  principal  aim." 

The  Epistle  acknowledges  that  "  whatever  has  been  at- 
tempted in  this  work  has  been  through  the  agency  of  the 
London  Society,  and  from  the  charity  and  piety  of  friends  in 
England." 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  large  sums  which  pious  char- 
ities of  England  supplied  to  be  expended  under  direction  of 
commissioners  appointed  for  the  purpose  by  the  colonial  gov- 
ernments were  not  productive  of  more  good.1 

i  When  that  good  man,  John  Eliot,  first  attempted  to  address  the  Indians  on 
religious  subjects,  one  asked,  "How  has  it  happened  that,  Christianity  being  so  j 
important,  the  white  people  have,  these  many  years,  said  nothing  to  us  about  it?  " 
Mr.  Hutchinson  has  remarked,  "  Mr.  Eliot  was  not  responsible  for  the  omission." 
Hennepin  quotes  a  sarcastic  remark  said  to  have  been  made  by  the  Three  River 
Indians  :  "  Whilst  we  had  beaver  and  furs,  the  missionary  was  with  us  ;  but  when 
our  merchandise  failed,  it  was  thought  they  could  do  us  no  further  good."  It  is 
6 


82  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

Disputes  between  the  colonies  had  been  several  years  pro- 
gressing, and  through  successive  years  absorbed  so  much  of 
the  attention  of  the  people  that  Indians  enjoyed  comparative 
quiet.  Besides  internal  difficulties  were  altercations  with  the 
Dutch  of  New  Netherlands,  who,  under  Governor  Stuyvesant, 
would  not  accede  to  "  proposals  for  a  joint  trade  with  the  Six 
Nations."  There  were  also  warm  discussions  touching  the 
necessity  of  compelling  the  settlements  of  Maine  to  acknowl- 
edge subjection  to  Massachusetts.  In  this  state  of  things  In- 
dians were  measurably  out  of  mind. 

In  1653,  the  colonists  thought  they  had  reliable  information 
that  Governor  Stuyvesant  had  privately  solicited  Narragan- 
setts  and  others  to  a  general  confederacy  to  extirpate  the  Eng- 
lish. Consequent  alarm  spread,  and  a  special  meeting  of  the 
Commissioners  was  called,  who  considered  the  matter  and 
were  of  opinion  that  the  "  proofs  were  strong."  But,  before 
the  final  action  a  letter  came  from  the  Dutch  Governor,  deny- 
ing the  imputation,  and  expressing  surprise  and  mortification 
that  colonists  gave  credit  to  such  rumors.  The  Commissioners 
were  "  full  of  fight,"  and  therefore  resolved.  They  "  agreed 
to  raise,  if  God  call  us  to  war  against  the  Dutch,  five  hundred 
soldiers."  1 

Whilst  disputes  with  the  Dutch  were  depending,  the  Narra- 
gansetts,  under  Ninigret,  had  a  difficulty  with  certain  Long 
Island  Indians,  who,  as  was  claimed  by  colonists,  "  were  under 
colonial  protection."    This,  together  with  the  conspiracy  which 

painful  to  confess  the  sinister  motive  of  some  in  the  disbursement  of  charitable 
trusts.  The  fact  is,  nevertheless,  notorious  that  when  Indians  stood  in  the  way 
of  extension  no  concerns  for  their  spiritual  good  forbade  their  extermination. 
Killing  and  enslaving  was  more  popular  employment  than  imparting  religious  in- 
struction, and  by  winning  kindness  and  example  of  righteousness,  converting 
natives  to  Christ's  religion. 

i  "The  Elders,  always  consulted  in  affairs  of  importance,  were  desired  to 
give  their  opinion.  It  was  that  "  proofs  and  presumptions  of  the  execrable  plot 
tending  to  the  destruction  of  so  many  of  the  dear  saints  of  God  are  of  such 
weight  as  to  induce  a  belief  in  the  reality  of  it,  yet  are  not  so  fully  conclusive  as 
to  clear  up  before  the  world  a  present  proceeding  to  war,  and  to  bear  up  our 
own  hearts  with  that  fullness  of  persuasion  which  is  meet  in  commending  the 
case  to  God  in  prayer  and  to  the  people  in  exhortations ;  and  that  it  will  be  safe 
for  the  colonies  to  forbear  the  use  of  the  sword,  but  be  in  a  posture  of  defense 
and  readiness  for  action  until  of  God  shall  be  more  clearly  known,  either  for  a 
settled  peace  or  more  manifest  grounds  of  war." 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  83 

it  Was  supposed  Ninigret  and  Governor  Stuyvesant  had  con- 
cocted, was  thought  to  be  sufficient  ground  for  war  against  the 
Niantics.  So,  in  1653,  it  was  resolved  that  "  two  hundred 
and  fifty  soldiers  be  raised  forthwith."  But  Massachusetts 
not  concurring,  and  refusing  her  quota,  the  matter  was,  for 
the  present,  dropped. 

In  1654,  the  Commissioners  thought  it  expedient  to  require 
the  presence  of  Ninigret  at  Hartford,  there  to  answer  to 
complaints.  The  messenger  whom  they  sent  to  the  Sachem 
returned  with  a  reply  which,  being  regarded  as  insolent,  gave 
great  offense.  Thereupon  it  was  agreed  to  "  raise  at  once  a 
force  to  invade  Ninigret's  dominions  and  compel  compliance." * 
Major  Willard  marched  his  forces  into  the  Narragansett  coun- 
try. The  Sachem  secured  himself,  and  it  was  not  thought  to 
be  prudent  to  attack  him.  The  commander  completed  his 
foray  by  seizing  a  few  Indians  that  at  the  close  of  the  Pequot 
war  had  been  left  with  the  Niantics  on  condition  that  the  col- 
onies receive  for  them  an  annual  per  capita, 

Willard  was  a  Massachusetts  man.  The  Commissioners 
were  greatly  offended  by  the  slender  result  of  his  invasion, 
and  charged  him  with  having  neglected  the  opportunity  to 
humble  the  pride  of  the  Niantics.  Willard  pleaded  that  the 
instructions  given  him  were  equivocal.2  The  Niantics  and 
other  Indians  continued  quiet  many  years,  until  by  familiar 
use  of  fire-arms  they  became  emboldened  and  ready  for  the 
scenes  of  1675-76. 

When,  on.  occasion  of  suspicion  of  some  intended  plot, 
Metacomet  was,  August  6, 1662,  summoned  to  Plymouth,  and 

1  The  reply  of  Ninigret  showed  that  he  retained  some  sense  of  independency. 
It  is  not  too  much  to  presume  that  he  had  taken  counsel  with  friends  in  Rhode 
Island.  He  reasoned  thus :  "  Why  should  I  acquaint  you  with  my  trouble  with 
Long  Island  Indians  ?  They  began  by  killing  a  son  and  sixty  men  of  one  of 
our  Sachems.  We  will  not  let  them  alone.  We  desire  that  you  will  let  us  alone, 
and  not  again  send  for  us.  What  shall  we  do  at  Hartford  ?  We  have  done  you 
no  hurt.  Were  your  Governor's  son  and  many  others  of  his  men  slain,  would 
you  ask  of  another  nation  to  be  allowed  to  right  yourselves?  I  will  not  go  to 
Hartford.  The  upland  Indians  who  have  been  with  me  are  friends.  Why 
should  I  inform  you  of  their  visit !  " 

2  The  Massachusetts  colonists  were,  in  fact,  desirous  of  avoiding  an  open  rup- 
ture ;  and  this  was  a  second  time  that  their  commissioners  had,  in  opposition  to 
others,  prevented  a  general  war. 


84  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

made  appearance  in  court,  renewing  the  treaty  that  had  long 
existed  between  his  now  deceased  father,  brother,  and  the 
Governor  of  Plymouth,  this  Sachem  was  also  required  to 
promise  not  to  alienate  his  lands  without  knowledge  and  con- 
sent of  the  court.  He  assented,  but  with  evident  sense  of 
offended  dignity.  His  manner  plainly  indicated  a  feeling 
that  encroachments  upon  his  rights  were  being  made.  The 
records  inform  us  that  upon  the  occasion  "he  was  found  to 
be  a  man  of  great  spirit."  From  that  time  he  was  more  than 
ever  "  looked  upon  with  suspicion."  Mr.  Drake  pertinently 
remarks  :  "  How  much  Indians  had  to  do  with  making 
treaties  it  is  not  difficult  to  judge ;  they  acquiesced  because 
they  had  not  the  power  to  resist.  An  unwritten  word  of 
honor  was  with  them  sufficient." 

Metacomet  carried  himself  well  at  all  times.  He  was  not 
only  unoffending  but  so  far  as  appears  on  record,  his  walk 
was  strictly  urbane  and  honorably  unexceptionable.  In  1670, 
however,  it  was  "thought  that  he  and  his  people  were  de- 
v  signing  mischief."  Vague  gossip  had  it  that  "  Wampanoags, 
including  Pokanokets  and  others,  were  frequently  assem- 
bling." By  and  by,  rumors  took  more  definite  and  alarming 
shape;  it  was  said,  "Indians  are  grinding  hatchets,  and  fix- 
ing up  their  guns." 

The  Plymouth  government  now  conceived  it  proper  "to 
send  messengers  to  investigate,  and  to  make  observation." 
The  Massachusetts  government  also,  at  the  suggestion  of 
Plymouth,  "  sent  messengers  to  Taunton  to  prevent,  if  pos- 
sible, an  open  war,"  which  the  Plymouth  government  had 
intimated  they  "  would  be  obliged  to  begin  if  they  could  not 
otherwise  bring  the  Indians  to  reason." 

The  Massachusetts  delegation  reached  Taunton  April  13, 
and  the  Governor  of  Plymouth  and  others  joined.  Metacomet 
had  been  summoned.  Whilst  the  delegates  were  in  confer- 
ence, examining  witnesses  concerning  the  appearance  and  con- 
duct of  Indians,  a  message  from  Metacomet  was  received,  in- 
forming the  Governor  that  the  Sachem  of  Wampanoags  was 
near  by,  at  Three-mile  River,  and  desired  the  Governor  to 
come  and  talk  with  him.  Answer  was  returned,  "  The  Gov- 
ernor is  ready  for  treaty,  and  expects  you  to  come  to  him." 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  85 

The  Governor  promised  safety,  but  Metacomet  declined.  Al- 
though "  two  of  the  messengers  proposed  to  remain  as  hos- 
tages, Metacomet  still  refused  to  enter  town,  preferring  to  go 
only  so  far  as  the  mill,  and  with  men  and  arms."  Soon,  how- 
ever, intelligence  was  brought  that  Metacomet,  with  his  men, 
were  advancing ;  the  next  moment  he  appeared  on  the  hill 
near  the  mill,  and  there  ordered  his  company,  with  sentinels. 

"  Some  of  the  delegates,  and  those  with  them,  were  for 
attacking  the  Indians  at  once,  on  the  spot  where  they  had 
halted.  The  Massachusetts  delegates  were  apprehensive  of 
the  result.  All  agreed,  however,  that  a  Governor  ought  not 
to  condescend  to  go  to  an  Indian." 

After  considerable  waiting,  Metacomet  neither  coming  nor 
sending  messengers,  some  delegates  proposed  going  to  per- 
suade. The  Sachem  proved  at  first  unwilling;  and  his 
counselors  were  united  in  opinion  that  their  chief  ought  not 
to  go.  Metacomet  finally  consented  to  go,  provided  his  men 
may  accompany  him  and  take  position  on  one  side  of  the 
meeting-house,  with  the  colonists  on  the  other  side.  This 
arrangement  was  made. 

Metacomet  protested  that  his  only  purpose  in  bringing  men 
armed  was  to  defend  himself  against  possible  assaults  by  Nar- 
ragansetts.1 

It  was  charged  against  Metacomet  that,  when  perfectly  at 
liberty,  he  thought  but  little  of  engagements ;  his  guns  were 
not  brought  in ;  he  refused  to  come,  when  required,  to  Plym- 
outh ;  and,  moreover,  many  strange  Indians  resorted  to  him. 

Secretary  Morton  gave  notice  to  the  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, August  23,  in  behalf  of  the  Plymouth  government, 
to  be  communicated  to  the  council,  that  the  Plymouth  gov- 
ernment had  again  summoned  Metacomet  to  appear  Septem- 
ber 13,  and  that  should  he  not  appear  they  had  determined 
to  send,  on  the  20th,  a  force  sufficient  to  reduce  him  to  rea- 
son,2 "  unless  cause  why  it  ought  not  to  be  done  be  shown  by 

1  It  was  the  opinion  of  the  delegates  that  the  Sachem  was  at  the  moment  on 
better  terms  with  the  Narragansetts  than  ever  before.  There  was  little  doubt 
that  he  designed  mischief :  perhaps  an  attack  on  Taunton,  Seekonk,  or  some 
other  place.  In  this  opinion  the  delegates  were  strengthened  by  the  Sachem's 
supplies  of  provisions  and  ammunition. 

2  The  frequent,  urgent,  and  imperious  calls  on  the  Sachem  and  his  fellow 


86  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

the  Massachusetts  authorities."  It  was  further  intimated  that 
the  Plymouth  government  regarded  it  "  a  common  cause,  and 
would  be  glad  to  accept  assistance,  although  if  aid  was  denied 
they  would  engage  alone." 

It  so  happened  that  Metacomet  and  his  counselors  were  in 
Boston  when  the  letter  from  Plymouth  was  received.  So 
favorably  did  the  Sachem  represent  to  the  Governor  and 
Council  the  state  of  things  that,  in  answer  to  Plymouth,  they 
urged  that  government  to  refer  the  differences  between  them- 
selves and  Metacomet  to  commissioners,  to  be  appointed  by 
the  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts  colonies.  Plymouth  de- 
clined the  proposal,  and  insisted  on  the  appearance  of  Meta- 
comet at  the  time  appointed.  The  Massachusetts  govern- 
ment declared,  finally  and  peremptorily,  "  There  does  not  ap- 
pear sufficient  ground  for  commencing  hostilities."  1 

Plymouth  consented  to  allow  further  time,  that  is  to  the 
26th,  and  promised  safe  conduct  to  Metacomet  and  all  accom- 
panying him.  They  also  invited  commissioners  from  Massa- 
chusetts and  Connecticut  to  be  present  in  Plymouth  on  the 
26th  to  advise.  Metacomet,  whilst  in  Boston,  engaged  that 
he  would  not  enter  upon  any  quarrel  with  Plymouth  until 
first  addressing  himself  to  Massachusetts  for  advice  and  ap- 
probation. 

The  Commissioners  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  met, 
as  invited,  at  Plymouth,  with  design  of  mediating  ;  and  Meta- 
comet  was  present.  Articles  of  amity  and  friendship,  such 
as  the  advisory  Commissioners  thought  reasonable,  were  sub- 
mitted. 

The  Articles  were  as  follow :  — 

"1.  We,  Philip  and  my  Council  and  my  subjects,  do  ac- 

Sachems  were  doubtless  annoying,  and  may  have  seemed  to  them  unnecessary, 
and  perhaps  persecutious. 

1  There  was  a  degree  of  alienation,  growing  out  of  differing  political  interests 
and  opinions,  in  different  colonies.  The  nature  of  the  subjection  of  the  Sachem 
to  the  government  of  Plymouth  being  considered  by  Massachusetts,  reply  had 
been  made,  September  8,  that  "we  do  not  understand  how  far  he  hath  subjected 
himself  to  you,  but  the  treatment  you  have  given  him  and  your  proceedings 
towards  him  do  not  render  him  such  a  subject  as  that  if  there  be  not  a  present 
answering  to  summons  there  should  be  presently  proceeding  to  hostilities.  The 
sword  once  drawn  and  dipped  in  blood  may  make  him  as  independent  on  you  as 
you  are  upon  him." 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  87 

knowledge  ourselves  subjects  to  his  majesty  the  King  of 
England,  and  to  the  government  of  New  Plymouth,  and  to 
their  laws.1 

"2.  I  am  willing  and  do  promise  to  pay  unto  the  govern- 
ment of  Plymouth  £100  in  such  things  as  I  have;  but  I 
would  entreat  the  favor  that  I  may  have  three  years  to  pay  it 
in,  forasmuch  as  I  cannot  do  it  at  present. 

"  3.  I  do  promise  to  send  unto  the  Governor,  or  whom  he 
shall  appoint,  five  wolf-heads,  if  I  can  get  them,  or  as  many 
as  I  can  procure  until  they  come  to  five  wolves  yearly. 

"4.  If  any  difference  fall  between  the  English  and  myself 
and  people,  then  I  do  promise  to  repair  to  the  Governor  of 
Plymouth  to  rectify  the  difference  amongst  us. 

"  5.  I  do  promise  to  make  no  war  with  any  but  by  appro- 
bation of  the  Governor  of  Plymouth. 

u  6.  I  promise  not  to  dispose  of  any  of  the  lands  that  I 
have  at  present,  but  by  the  approbation  of  the  Governor. 

"  For  the  true  performance  of  the  premises,  the  said  Sa- 
chem, Philip  of  Pokanoket,  do  hereby  bind  myself  and  such 
of  my  Council  as  are  here  present,  —  ourselves,  our  heirs,  our 
successors,  —  and  faithfully  do  promise.  In  witness  whereof 
we  have  hereunto  subscribed  our  hands  the  day  and  year 
above  written.2 

1  It  is  evident  that  whatever  expressions  may  heretofore  have  been  interwoven 
in  treaties,  in  acknowledgment  of  subjection,  Indians  had  never  understood 
such  expressions  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  sense.  When  letters  were  read  to  Meta- 
comet  in  Boston,  by  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  from  Plymouth,  the  Sachem 
addressed  the  Governor  and  Council,  and  said,  "  My  predecessors  have  always 
been  friendly  towards  the  Plymouth  Governors.  An  engagement  to  that  effect 
was  made  by  my  father  and  renewed  by  my  brother.  When  I  took  the  govern- 
ment upon  myself  I  did  the  same." 

These  "  treaties  "  were  agreements  for  amity. 

2  The  instrument  is  copied  from  Hubbard.  He  omits  the  date.  Mr.  Drake 
says  it  was  September  29,  1671.  The  date  was  not  the  only  omission;  Mr. 
Drake  certifies  that  the  original  document  contained  additional  signatures, 
namely,  Wohkawpalemit,  Wuttahoosim,  Sakamuhoo,  Woonashum,  alias  Nim- 
rod,  Woospasuck,  alias  Captain. 

Mr.  Hutchinson  felt  induced,  in  view  of  the  above  and  other  transactions,  to 
leave  on  record  the  following :  "  Acts  of  injustice  towards  Indians  have  pro- 
voked them  and  occasioned  frequent  wars.  We  are  apt  to  consider  Indians  a 
race  of  beings  inferior  to  us  and  born  to  servitude.  Philip  was  a  man  of  high 
spirit.  He  could  not  bear  to  see  the  English  extending  their  settlements  over 
the  dominion  of  his  ancestors  ;  and,  although  his  father  had  at  one  time  or  an- 
other conveyed  to  them  all  they  now  possessed,  had  sense  to  distinguish  a  free, 
voluntary  covenant  from  one  made  under  constraint." 


88  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

"  Signed,  in  presence  of  the  court  and  divers  of  the  magis- 
trates and  other  gentlemen  of  Massachusetts  and  Connect- 
icut, by 

Philip,  his  mark. 

Uncompan,  his  mark. 

Wolokom,  his  mark. 

Samkana,  his  mark." 

Guileless  simplicity  and  plain  dealing  would  have  com- 
ported with  professions  of  the  colonists.  Indian  penetration 
was,  despite  popular  opinion  respecting  Indian  intelligence, 
too  keen  for  attemps  at  chicane  to  be  completely  successful. 

What  were  the  thoughts  of  Metacomet,  or  King  Philip,  as 
the  colonists  preferred  to  call  him,  we  may  conjecture.  From 
the  signing  of  the  preceding  treaty,1  there  is  little  of  moment 
relating  to  the  Indians  on  record  until  1674-75,  if  we  except 
never-ceasing  suspicions  and  vague  rumors.  All  the  time  it 
was  apprehended  that  Metacomet  contemplated  measures  to 
engage  Indians  in  all  parts  to  unite  against  the  colonies. 

A  man  found  dead  in  the  woods  of  Dedham,  an  Indian 
suspected  of  shooting  the  man  was  seized  and  executed. 
These  incidents  afforded  some  cause  for  alarm. 

1  Mather,  always  classical  and  learned,  if  not  merciful,  facetiously  says  of  the 
treaty-document,  "  When  the  Duke  of  Archetta,  at  his  being  made  Governor  of 
Antwerp  Castle,  took  oath  to  keep  it  faithfully  for  King  Philip  of  Spain,  the 
officer  who  administered  the  oath  used  these  words  :  '  If  you  perform  what  you 
promise,  God  help  you ;  if  you  do  not,  the  devil  take  you  body  and  soul/  But 
when  the  Indian  King  Philip  took  oath  to  be  faithful  to  the  government  of  New 
Plymouth,  nobody  used  these  words  unto  him ;  nevertheless,  we  shall  see  anon 
whether  these  words  were  not  expressive  enough  of  what  became  of  him." 


CHAPTER  XIV.     . 

And  now  we  stand  on  the  eve  of  the  war  of  1675 ;  a  war 
which  Hutchinson  has  said  "  endangered  the  very  being  of 
the  colonies,  so  that  it  became  a  question  whether  the  Indians 
would  not  prevail,  to  the  total  extirpation  of  the  English.'* 
Records  say,  "  It  was  a  war  which  almost  desolated  New  Eng- 
land."    This  was,  however,  an  exaggerated  statement. 

The  disputes  in  which  Indians  were,  at  times,  engaged 
among  themselves  had  doubtless  been  hitherto  some  security 
to  colonists,  who,  as  Hutchinson  asserts,  "  endeavored  on  the 
one  hand  to  restrain  them,  and  on  the  other  hand  aimed  to 
keep  among  them  just  so  much  contention  as  would  prevent 
a  combination  and  make  an  appeal  to  the  English  necessary 
from  time  to  time."  Hutchinson  says,  "  This  was  the  avowed 
policy."  He  further  says,  "  At  the  first  arrival  of  the  English 
Indians  were  treated  with  kindness  to  obtain  their  friendship 
and  favor." 

Indians  having  no  acquaintance  with  fire-arms,  the  English 
grew  by  degrees  unapprehensive.  Finding,  by  experience, 
that  corslets  were  a  protection  from  bows  and  arrows,  "  the 
English  were,  nearly  forty  years  together,  under  no  great 
concern." 

It  is  impossible  to  say  with  certainty  what  were  the  lucu- 
brations of  Metacomet.  It  is  presumable  that,  at  the  opening 
of  hostilities,  no  definite  plans  were  laid.  It  seems  clear  that 
no  preparations  were  made.  As  to  an  allegation  that  he  be- 
gan the  war,  we  must  judge  from  facts  in  the  premises. 

It  was  said  by  some  that  "  the  great  chief  was  pressed  by 
the  importunity  of  young  warriors."  He  was  accused  by  the 
colonists  of  ambitiously  aspiring  to  undisputed  sovereignty  of 
country;  also  of  breaking  promises.     That  country  he  would 


90  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

have  enjoyed  as  an  inheritance  had  not  the  white  people  pre- 
vented. (  The  promises  which  he  was  accused  of  breaking 
were  such  only  as  were  made  under  constraint.  Metacomet's 
inward  motive  for  war  has  been  persistently  scanned.  His 
impulses  have  been  plausibly  conceited  to  be  resentment  at 
prospective  loss  of  that  which,  to  a  lofty  Indian  spirit,  was 
the  noblest  dignity,  —  the  free  and  uncontrolled  possession  of 
domain.  fHaving  seen  his  father  and  brother  die  in  virtual 
subjection  to  an  assumed  sovereignty,  and  being  now  himself 
trammeled  by  exactions,  shorn  of  his  rightful  influence,  sub- 
ject to  constant  annoyances  on  the  most  trifling  pretenses,  and 
foreseeing  not  only  the  loss  of  territory  but  the  extinction  of 
his  tribe  if  such  encroachments  were  longer  permitted,  he  had 
resolved,  in  proud  consciousness  of  prerogative,  to  rise  up 
and  make  one  mighty  effort  for  independence. 

Be  all  this  as  it  may,  colonists  confessed  that  they  them- 
selves "  began,  about  this  time,  to  be  very  jealous  of  Indians, 
and  believed  there  was  no  small  reason  to  suspect  that  they 
were  plotting  a  design  of  war."  A  spirit  of  adventure  rife 
among  the  people  of  the  white  settlements,  the  least  symp- 
tom of  impediment  in  the  way  of  extension  and  aggrandize- 
ment was  closely  watched^  and  every  movement  of  an  Indian 
was  carefully  scrutinized. 

Whilst  scanning  the  motives  that  influenced  Metacomet, 
justice  requires  that,  aside  from  the  question,  "  Who  began 
the  war,  or  what  precipitated  it  ?  "  we  consider  other  aspects 
of  the  case.  The  lamented  fact  must  be  confessed  that  "  too 
many  who  settled  in  these  parts  were  generally  unscrupulous 
in  their  dealings  with  natives."  The  remark  is  of  long  stand- 
ing. Admit  that  the  observation  is  not  truthfully  applicable 
to  all,  nor  even  to  the  greater  part  ;  concede  also  that  a 
goodly  number  of  the  early  settlers  were  men  of  strong  and 
truly  religious  feeling  ;  still  it  remains  that  among  the  people 
who  had  come  over  as  adventurers  under  governmental  pat- 
ronage, and  had  located  here,  trading  on  capital  furnished 
by  merchants  at  home,  many  were  too  unscrupulous.  Not  a 
few  seemed,  in  the  progress  of  events,  to  lose  sight  of  the 
axiom  that  Indians  have  rights. 

Exactions,  unreasonable  and  continually  pressed,  could  not 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  91 

be  otherwise  than  galling  to  a  proud  sense  of  right.  Even  in 
the  bosom  of  a  barbarian  moral  perception  may  exist.  Let 
it  be,  if  the  reader  choose  so  to  regard  it,  that  much  that  is 
confessedly  wrong  is  attributable  to  "  the  age."  Records  of 
those  times  are  indeed  a  painful  exhibit  of  what,  in  order  to 
tone  down  the  faults  of  actors,  has  been  called  "  the  spirit  of 
the  age."  We  will  not  join  with  those  who  uncharitably  say 
that  diffused  among  early  settlers  was  a  spirit  "  preeminently 
conceited,  self-willed,  bigoted,  intolerant ;  "  many,  attempting 
to  live  among  them,  thought  they  saw  evidence  of  such  spirit, 
and  also  saw  a  key  to  various  proceedings,  in  the  chronicles 
of  their  doings.1 

It  is  necessary  here  to  introduce  the  testimony  of  one  who 
figured  largely  in  the  war,  and  whose  accounts  give,  with 
simplicity  and  frankness,  insight  in  relation  to  the  state  of 
things  the  year  previous  to  the  war.  We  refer  to  Mr.  Ben- 
jamin Church.2 

A  rumor  of  "  a  bloody  design  plotted  by  Indians  "  had,  in 
1673-4,  for  its  foundation  the  assertion  of  a  wretch  called 
Sassamon.3  With  not  a  particle  of  evidence  on  which  to 
hang  suspicion,  such  was  the  feverish  and  inflammable  state 
of  society  that  any  and  every  suggestion,  however  improbable 
or  absurd,  was  eagerly  caught,  whether  it  were  of  plotting  or 
of  casualty.     The  body  of  Sassamon  was  found  under  the  ice 

1  Those  chronicles  are  thought  to  demonstrate  that  the  charge  that  the  early 
settlers'  first  resolve  was,  "  The  earth  is  the  Lord's  and  belongs  to  the  saints," 
and  that  their  second  resolve  was,  "  We  are  his  saints,"  was  not  a  mere  slur. 

2  Mr.  Church  had  large  acquaintance  with  the  Indians,  and  was  in  esteem 
among  them.  He  is  subsequently  known  as  Captain  Church  and  later  as  Colonel 
Church.  He  had  "  a  grant  of  land  in  Taunton,  1669  ;  "  was  "  engaged  in  settling 
Seconit  lands  in  1673  ;  and  was  commissioned  July  10, 1676.  Acquaintances  hav- 
ing, in  1674,"  commended  as  highly  fertile  and  pleasant  portions  of  Plymouth  col- 
ony, lying  near  Rhode  Island,  and  known  as  Pocasset,  now  Tiverton,  and  Sugko- 
nate,  now  Little  Compton,  Mr.  Church  accepted  an  invitation  to  explore  the 
lands  (with  a  view  of  purchasing  court-grant  rights  of  "  the  Company  "  ).  Mak- 
ing purchase,  he  settled  a  farm  ;  but,  next  year,  whilst  enjoying  fine  prospect  of 
doing  no  small  things,  and  hoping  that  his  good  success  would  be  inviting  to 
others  to  become  his  neighbors,  a  rumor  of  war  gave  check  to  his  projects.  It  was 
daily  suggested,  "  The  Indians  are  plotting  a  bloody  design." 

8  Sassamon,  who  had  lived  among  white  people,  but  had  by  his  misdemeanors 
been  compelled  to  flee,  permitted  to  remain  from  1662  to  1674  among  Meta- 
comet's  people,  in  enjoyment  of  Wampanoag  hospitality,  had  now  been  found 
drowned. 


92  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

in  Asawompsit  Pond,  Middleborough,  January  29,  1674-5, 
drowned. 

It  was  now  surmised  that  Indians  were  chargeable  with 
Sassamon's  death  ;  and  finally  it  came  to  be  "  suspicioned  " 
that  possibly  Metacomet  had  some  share  in  the  act.1  Indians 
suspected  of  being  the  cause  of  Sassamon's  death  were  taken 
by  colonists,  tried,  and  condemned.  Governor  Winslow, 
writing  to  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  July  4,  1675,  says, 
"  I  do  solemnly  protest  we  know  not  anything  from  us  that 
might  put  Philip  upon  such  motions,  nor  have  we  heard  that 
he  pretends  to  have  suffered  any  wrong  from  us,  save  only 
that  we  had  killed  some  Indians,  and  intended  to  send  for 
him  on  account  of  the  murder  of  Sassamon." 

1  Sassamon  had  doubtless,  during  his  stay  at  Mount  Hope,  heard  Indians 
speak  of  their  grievances  ;  and  it  were  strange,  if  in  addition  to  sympathetic  com- 
plaints, they  had  not  sometimes  mooted  the  question  of  possible  war.  Sassamon 
may  even  have  heard  the  chances  of  success  nicely  weighed.  But  it  is  evident 
that  to  the  present  moment  plotting  had  progressed  no  further. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

"  MetacOMET  was  ordered  to  Plymouth.  But,"  as  Mr. 
Mather  tells,  "  instead  of  obeying,  he  gathered  his  warriors, 
and  at  Mount  Hope  was  soon  lighted  the  council  fire  of  the 
first  Indian  coalition  in  New  England,  —  half  a  century  after 
the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims.  Things  by  this  time  began  to 
have  a  serious  aspect."  * 

Trumbull's  History  supposes  there  were,  in  New  England, 
at  the  time  of  its  settlement,  36,000  Indians,  of  whom  one 
third  were  warriors  ;  and  that,  at  the  beginning  of  the  war, 
there  were  10,000  remaining.2 

1  We  quote  again  from  Mather.  The  quotation  gives  evidence  of  the  infatua- 
tion and  distractions  of  the  times.  "  Yea,  and  now  we  speak  of  things  ominous  ; 
some  time  before,  in  a  still,  clear,  sunshiny  morning,  there  were  divers  persons 
in  Maiden  who  heard  in  the  air  a  great  gun  go  off,  and  presently  small  guns,  as  if 
a  battle.  This  was  when  there  was  nothing  to  occasion  such  noises.  They 
also  heard  the  flying  of  bullets  and  the  sound  of  drums.  On  the  same  day  in- 
visible troops  of  horses  were  heard  riding  to  and  fro  in  Plymouth  and  other 
places.    Now,  reader,  prepare  for  the  event  of  these  prodigies." 

Mr.  Hubbard  has  told  us  that  "  by  a  strange  Providence  an  Indian  was  found 
who,  standing  on  a  hill,  had  seen  the  accused  commit  the  murder."  Mather  also 
mentions  as  "  a  remarkable  fact "  —  and  remarkable  it  was  —  that  one  of  the  ac- 
cused, Tobias,  a  counselor  of  the  Sachem,  approaching  the  dead  body  of  Sassa- 
mon,  it  would  fall  to  bleeding  afresh,  as  if  it  had  been  newly  slain,  although 
Sassamon  had  been  dead  and  buried  a  considerable  time  before.  Whereupon, 
Tobias  and  two  others  were,  after  a  fair  trial,  convicted.  Although  they  were 
all  successively  turned  off  at  the  gallows  denying  the  charge,  yet  the  last  of  them, 
happening  to  slip  the  rope,  did  confess  that  other  Indians  did  the  deed." 

It  was  asserted  by  the  credulous,  who  were  inclined  to  implicate  Metacomet, 
that  he  had  directed  the  destruction  of  the  traitor.  No  pains  being  taken  by 
Metacomet  to  deny  or  explain  Sassamon's  accusations,  suspicions  were  strength- 
ened. Metacomet  regarded  the  execution  of  Tobias  and  the  other  Indians  as  an 
outrage.  Mr.  Hutchinson  says,  "  The  Sachem  expected  it  would  be  his  turn 
next." 

2  Gookin,  in  1674,  compiled  a  table  which  gave  a  somewhat  different  view.  It 
tells  forcibly  the  result  of  a  half  century  of  intercourse  with  white  people.  His 
table  was  compiled  six  months  before  the  war,  and  presents  the  following  esti- 


94  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

Metacomet's  people  had,  at  the  present,  almost  no  resources 
beyond  their  own  sinewy  arms,  no  stores  beyond  a  scanty 
crop  of  corn  for  a  single  winter's  consumption,  and  no  secure 
dwellings  to  shelter  them  safely  after  the  hardships  of  a  cam- 
paign. They  were  really  in  no  state  of  readiness  for  an  ap- 
proaching struggle.  Even  many  of  the  natives  whose  assist- 
ance Metacomet  would  have  implored  in  extremity  were  in 
"  a  maze,  and  knew  not  what  to  do."  They  knew  this :  that 
the  colonists  had  the  sympathy  of  white  people  very  gener- 
ally, and  that  the  several  colonies  were  united  by  a  common 
league  and  stimulated  by  a  common  hope.  Metacomet  knew 
how  disadvantageous  his  own  position  had  become,  —  he  on 
a  neck  of  land  to  which  his  tribe  was  confined  by  the  crafty 
policy  of  the  white  people.1  The  fact  is  —  and  it  is  a  fact 
which  should  be  kept  in  view  as  a  key  to  much  touching  the 
treatment  of  Indians,  which  otherwise  would  seem  inexplica- 

mates,  namely,  "  Pequots,  formerly  4,000  warriors,  now  300 ;  Narragansetts,  for- 
J  merly  5,000  warriors,  now  1,000;  Wampanoags,  formerly  300,  now  nearly  ex- 
tinct ;  Massachusetts,  formerly  3,000,  now  300  ;  Pawtuckets,  formerly  3,000,  now 
250." 

Let  it  be  understood  that  "  the  Indians  within  the  bounds  of  Massachusetts 
proper  were  divided  into  small  cantons,  and  not  under  one  general  Sachem." 
Of  the  Indians  known  to  the  first  settlers  were  general  divisions  designated 
Southern,  Northern,  Eastern,  and  Western.  The  Southern  embraced  many 
distinct  tribes  or  nations,  namely,  Loud  Island  Indians ;  River  Indians,  occupying 
various  points  on  the  Connecticut ;  Mohegans,  dwelling  between  that  river  and 
the  Pequot  River  ;  Pequots,  about  New  London  and  Stonington,  near  the  coast ; 
Narragansetts,  on  the  coast  from  Stonington,  and  around  Point  Judith,  and  on 
the  Narragansett  Bay,  united  under  one  chief  Sachem,  but  consisting  of  lesser 
principalities,  of  which  the  Niantics  were  a  branch  ;  Wampanoags,  whose  limits 
need  not  be  described  ;  Nipmucks,  on  the  lesser  rivers  and  small  inland  lakes,  but 
tributary  to  Massasoit,  as  were  the  Cape  Indians,  extending  their  respective 
sachemdoms  from  Eel  River  in  Plymouth  County  to  the  south  shore  of  Barnstable 
County,  and  including  Wood's  Hole,  Barnstable,  Yarmouth,  Nobscusset,  Nausett, 
etc.  There  were  also  distinct  tribes  on  Nantucket  and  Martha's  Vineyard.  The 
Northern  Division  embraced  all  the  scattered  tribes  from  Pokanoket  to  the  Pis- 
cataqua  River,  including  the  Wamoset,  Amoskeag,  Pennicook,  Agawam,  Ipswich, 
Naumkeag,  Salem,  Saugus,  Lynn,  Neponset,  Dorchester  and  Milton,  Punkapoag, 
Stoughton,  Wessagusset,  Weymouth,  and  Mystic,  including  Natick  near  Charles 
River.  The  Eastern  Division  was  designated  by  the  general  name  Terrenteens, 
and  embraced  Indians  on  the  Kennebec,  Penobscot,  and  other  waters  in  Maine. 
The  Western  Division  included  all  Indians  west  of  New  Haven,  who  were,  in 
general,  denominated  Mohawks. 

1  This  circumstance  alone  was  extremely  embarrassing,  and,  as  will  by  and 
by  be  seen,  was,  at  the  very  opening  of  hostilities,  nearly  fatal  to  his  cause. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  95 

ble  —  the  very  existence  of  powerful  tribes  upon  the  soil  which 
held  their  fathers'  graves  was  inconvenient  to  the  colonists.1 

The  Plymouth  Colony  now  judged  it  expedient  to  order  a 
military  watch  in  every  town.  It  was  said  that  Metacomet 
had,  in  preparation  for  hostilities,  "  sent  away  the  women  and 
children  of  his  tribe  to  neighboring  Indians,  and  that  war- 
riors were  coming  from  all  parts  and  inspiring  him  with  cour- 
age afresh,  so  that  he  had  become  haughty  and  insolent  in 
bearing,  turning  away  from  advances  made  to  him  by  col- 
onists whose  integrity  and  innocency  had  made  them  feel 
secure  hitherto."     This  much  said  Dr.  Mather. 

Mr.  Church  tells  us  that  among  others  to  whom  Metacomet 
sent  to  invite  cooperation  was  Awashonks,  the  Queen  or 
Squaw-Sachem  of  the  Sughonates  ;  and  that  she  listened  so 
far  to  his  proposals  as  to  call  her  warriors,  and,  according  to 
Indian  custom  when  about  to  advise  on  affairs  of  great  mo- 
ment, made  a  great  dance.2  Mr.  Church  was  yet  residing  in 
peace  and  quiet  on  his  farm,  and  was  a  neighbor  to  the  Squaw- 
Sachem,  whose  husband  was  Wawayemit.  Mr.  Church  was 
invited  to  the  dance.  Taking  with  him  one  of  his  plantation 
overseers,  who  had  some  limited  acquaintance  with  Indian 
speech,  they  found,  on  arriving  at  the  place  of  festivities, 
many  assembled,  and  the  Queen  "  herself,  in  a  foaming 
sweat,  leading  the  dance." 

The  gayety  was  suspended  on  the  entrance  of  Mr.  Church, 
and  Awashonks  sat  down ;  but,  quickly  summoning  her  no- 

1  We  quote  again  from  Mather,  since  we  must  substantiate  our  record.  Dr. 
Mather,  as  pastor  of  the  North  Church  in  Boston,  ought  to  be  indisputable  au- 
thority. |  He  says,  in  his  account  of  conflicts  with  Indians,  "  The  infant  colonies, 
finding  themselves  necessitated  into  the  crushing  of  serpents,  while  yet  in  the 
cradle,  unanimously  resolved  that  with  the  assistance  of  Heaven  they  would  root 
this  nest  of  serpents  out  of  the  world."  Mr.  Mather  further  says,  "  Two  colonies 
of  churches  being  brought  forth  and  a  third  conceived  within  the  bounds  of  New 
England  by  the  year  1636,  it  was  time  for  the  devil  to  take  alarm  and  make  / 
some  attempt  in  opposition  to  the  possession  which  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  was  * 
going  to  have  of  these  utmost  parts  of  the  earth.  These  parts  were  then  covered 
with  nations  of  barbarous  Indians  and  infidels  in  whom  the  power  of  the  air  did 
work  as  a  spirit ;  nor  could  it  be  expected  that  nations  of  wretches,  whose  whole 
religion  was  the  most  explicit  sort  of  devil  worship,  should  not  be  actuated  by  the 
devil  to  engage  in  some  early  and  bloody  action  for  the  extinction  of  a  plantation 

so  contrary  to  his  interests  as  that  of  New  England  was." 

2  Mr.  Church  was  of  opinion  that  she  intended  to  frustrate  the  design  of  war. 


96  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

bles  around,  she  ordered  that  Mr.  Church  be  invited  to  join 
the  circle.  After  compliments,  Mr.  Church  was  informed  of 
the  message  Awashonks  had  received  from  Mount  Hope.1 
She  wished  to  "  know  whether  it  is  true  that  the  Umpane 
men  are  gathering  a  great  army  to  invade  Metacomet's 
country."  Assured  by  Mr.  Church  that  there  was  no  truth 
in  the  report,  and  that  the  white  people  have  no  such  design, 
she  had  the  six  guests  from  Mount  Hope  called.  "  They 
were  of  formidable  appearance,  their  faces  painted,  their  hair 
trimmed  in  war  fashion ;  had  powder-horns  and  shot-bags 
swinging  from  their  shoulders,  —  signs  of  preparedness  for 
war."  Awashonks  introduced  these  Indians,  saying,  "  These 
are  the  men  who  tell  of  the  doings  of  the  Umpane  men."2 
She  related,  with  evident  satisfaction,  Mr.  Church's  denial  of 
the  report,  and  a  warm  talk  quickly  sprang  up.  The  Queen 
checked  the  excitement. 

Mr.  Church  tells  us  that  he  said  to  Awashonks,  "  If  Meta- 
comet  is  resolved  to  make  war,  the  best  thing  you  can  do  is 
to  knock  on  the  head  his  messengers,  and  shelter  yourself 
and  people  under  the  protection  of  the  colonists."  The  mes- 
sengers were  "  thunderstruck,  and  said  not  a  word."  Two 
of  Awashonks'  braves  were,  however,  "  furious  against  Mr. 
Church's  suggestion  ;  and  Little  Eyes,  Queen's  counsel, 
joined."  The  Queen  approved  of  the  advice  of  Mr.  Church, 
to  put  herself  and  people  under  English  protection,  and  ap- 
pointed men  to  guard  Church  back  to  his  house. 

It  is  not  easy  to  determine  the  precise  importance  to  be  at- 
tached to  ex  parte  or  egotistic  statements  made  in  a  day  of 
feverish  excitement.  It  is  natural  for  those  in  power  to  aim 
to  justify  their  own  action  ;  and  the  narrator  of  stirring  scenes 
in  which  himself  bore  a  prominent  part  may  inadvertently  use 
a  coloring  that  needs  revision.  Fairness  requires  us  to  say 
that  Mr.  Church  speaks  for  both  Indians  and  colonists,  him- 
self included ;  and,  inasmuch  as  information  must  be  gathered 
chiefly  from  antagonists  to  Indians,  it  is  chiefly  by  incidentals, 

1  Mount  Hope,  the  residence  of  Metacomet,  was  an  eminence  about  two  miles 
east  of  Bristol,  and  in  view  of  Fall  River.  A  fine  view  of  Providence  may  be 
had  here.  The  hill  is  anglicized  Mount  Hope ;  the  original  Indian  name  was 
Montaup. 

2  In  colonial  records  what  is  here  written  Umpane  is  Apaum. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  97 

analysis,  and  comparison,  that  we  can  do  justice  in  any  good 
degree  to  all  parties.1 

Mr.  Church,  on  reaching  home,  sent  word  to  Awashonks, 
enjoining  her  to  keep  within  her  own  settlement  at  Sugkon- 
ate  ;  and  promised  soon  to  see  her  again.  Then  hurrying  to 
Pocasset,  alias  Tiverton,  he  had  an  interview  with  the  hus- 
band of  the  Squaw-Sachem.  His  name  was  Potanwamet, 
alias  Peter  Nunnuit.2  Peter  had  just  come  from  Mount 
Hope,  and  was  "  decidedly  of  opinion  that  war  was  immi- 
nent." He  said  that  Metacomet  had  "  held  a  dance,  to  which 
he  had  invited  young  men  from  all  parts."  He  said,  more- 
over, he  saw  at  Mount  Hope  "  men  who  had  brought  a  letter 
from  the  Governor  of  Plymouth,"  and  that  Metacomet  was 
confident  the  Governor  had  sent  for  him  "  to  come  to  Ply- 
mouth and  answer  for  the  death  of  Sassamon." 

It  is  strange  that  notwithstanding  the  aversion  of  colonists 
to  the  possession  and  use  of  guns  by  Indians,  and  despite  the 
evasion  of  laws  imposing  a  severe  penalty,  Indians  were  sup- 
plied with  both  arms  and  ammunition.  Mather  tells  "  The 
auri  sacra  fames  accomplished  it.  Those  who  would  pay, 
could  get.  Mr.  Thomas  Morton  was  not  the  only  one  who, 
to  drive  a  lucrative  trade,  could  evade  prohibition." 

1  We  do  not  intend  to  intimate  that  materials  furnished  by  Church,  Winslow, 
Mather,  or  others,  are  not  reliable.  We  simply  admonish  our  reader  and  ourself 
that  Metacomet  has  no  one  of  his  race  at  hand  and  cognizant  of  the  naked  facts 
to  stand  forth  in  review  of  the  case,  as  his  friend.  That  he  and  his  compatriots 
lived,  is  chiefly  for  his  conquerors  to  tell. 

2  The  Squaw-Sachem's  name  was  Weetamoe.  This  was  an  alias,  as  were 
other.  Beecher  calls  her  Namumpam,  and  says  she  was  relict  of  Metacomet's 
elder  brother  Wamsutta,  and  now  had  become  wife  of  Peter. 

7 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Whatever  the  cause  for  which  the  presence  of  Metacomet 
was  demanded  at  Plymouth,  he  had  no  inclination  to  go.  He 
had  no  reason  to  believe  that  a  new  treaty  was  intended ;  nor 
was  he  disposed  to  recognize  authority  which  would  compel 
him.  He  is  said  to  have  replied  to  the  governor's  messengers, 
"  Your  Governor  is  only  a  subject  of  King  Charles  of  Eng- 
land. I  shall  not  treat  with  a  subject.  When  the  King,  my 
brother,  comes,  I  will  be  ready."  The  reply  recalls  to  mind 
the  sarcasm  of  an  Iroquois  chieftain,  1774  :  "  Although  great 
things  are  kept  in  mind,  I  do  not  remember  that  we  were 
ever  conquered  by  your  great  king  ;  if  it  was  so,  it  is  beyond 
our  memory." 

Indian  Sachems  had  come  to  be  treated  by  colonists  as 
rebels,  if  they  failed  of  immediate  compliance  with  the  requi- 
sition of  magistrates.  Metacomet  was  neither  ready  to  ad- 
mit the  correctness  of  the  imputation  of  his  opponents,  nor 
was  he  to  be  moved  by  their  conclusions.  His  accusers, 
therefore,  said  he  had  become  haughty  and  insolent. 

So  far  from  being  improbable,  it  is  evident  that  war  was 
being  forced  sooner  than  Metacomet  either  intended  or  ex- 
pected. Difficulties  clustered  around  him.  The  demand  for 
his  appearance  at  Plymouth  was  not  least.  If  he  inclined  to 
war,  it  was  evidently  because  there  seemed  a  necessity  of 
bringing  matters  to  a  crisis.  Otherwise  why  did  the  first 
signs  of  war  perplex  the  Indians  ?  Metacomet  perceived  too 
well  that  there  had  long  existed  on  the  part  of  colonists  a 
state  of  war,  and  he  saw  they  were  preparing  for  an  extermi- 
nating conflict.  It  was  surmised  by  colonists  that  he  was 
"  waiting  for  them  to  begin,"  by  some  public  demonstration 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  99 

—  the  thought  impressed  on  the  Indian  mind  being  that  they 
"  who  began  war  would  be  conquered."  1 

Peter,  so  Mr.  Church  affirms,  said,  "  Young  men  at  the 
Mount  Hope  dance  were  all  eager  to  begin  at  once  by  falling 
on  the  men  who  brought  the  Plymouth  letter ;  but  were  dis- 
suaded by  Metacomet,  who  pacified  his  warriors  by  adroitly 
advising  them  that  his  father,  the  great  Massasoit,  charged 
both  his  sons  to  treat  Mr.  Brown,  (one  of  the  bearers  of  the 
Governor's  letter,)  with  marked  consideration.2 

The  strongest  point  against  the  Sachem  is  the  promise  said 
to  have  been  made  to  his  people,  that  they  might  go  out  of 
the  Neck.  Church  says,  "  These  Indians  were  thirsting  to 
revenge  the  execution  of  those  Indians  who  had  been  hung 
on  account  of  Sassamon's  death."     Such  is  the  feeling  Mr. 

1  Edward  Kandolph,  sent  over  by  the  Crown,  in  1676,  to  inquire  into  affairs 
of  the  colonies,  with  especial  reference  to  Indians,  says  in  a  letter  to  William  Penn, 
November  9,  1688  :  "  The  Indians  were  never  civilly  treated  by  the  government, 
who  made  it  their  business  to  encroach  on  the  Indian  lands,  and  by  degrees 
drive  them  out.    That  was  the  ground  and  beginning  of  the  late  war." 

2  This  Mr.  James  Brown  of  Swansey  had  always  been  a  good  friend  of  Massa- 
soit.    When  Indians  believe  a  person  to  be  their  friend  they  will  do  all  in  their 

/  power  to  befriend  him,  it  being  a  cardinal  principle  with  them  that  good  ought 
always  to  be  requited  with  good.  The  dissuasions  of  Metacomet,  it  has  been  in- 
timated by  some  writers,  may  have  been  a  mere  stroke  of  policy  that  he  might 
not  be  known  to  urge  the  war,  but  appear  to  be  drawn  by  force  of  circumstances. 
The  good  feeling  shown  to  Mr.  Brown,  and  the  hospitality  and  kindness  ex- 
hibited by  Indians  often  and  invariably  when  their  humanity  was  addressed  under 
circumstances  that  did  not  preclude,  leads  us  naturally  to  advert  to  the  case  of 
Logan,  the  eloquent  Cayuga  Chief,  who  was  friend  of  the  white  people.  He  ad- 
mired their  ingenuity  and  wished  to  be  their  neighbor.  In  1774,  Logan's  resi- 
dence being  on  the  Ohio,  his  family  were  murdered  by  a  party  of  white  men. 
War  was  the  immediate  result ;  and  great  was  the  amount  of  blood  drunk  by 
tomahawk  and  scalping-knife  of  infuriated  Indians,  before  peace  could  be  re- 
stored. When,  at  last,  a  treaty  was  about  being  effected,  Logan  gave  in  his  ad- 
hesion, in  the  following  terms  addressed  to  Lord  Dinsmore  then  Governor  of 
Virginia :  "  I  appeal  to  any  white  man,  if  he  ever  entered  Logan's  cabin  hungry, 
and  I  gave  him  no  meat ;  if  he  ever  came  cold  and  naked  and  I  did  not  shelter 
and  clothe  him.  I  had  thought  to  live  with  you  in  peace,  the  friend  of  the  white 
man.  But  in  cold  blood,  and  unprovoked,  the  white  man  murdered  all  the  rela- 
tions of  Logan.  He  spared  not  even  my  women  and  children.  There  runs  not 
a  drop  of  Logan's  blood  in  the  veins  of  any  living.  This  called  on  me  for  re- 
venge. I  have  sought  it.  I  have  killed  many.  I  have  glutted  my  vengeance. 
For  my  country  I  rejoice  at  beams  of  peace.  But  do  not  harbor  a  thought  that 
mine  is  the  joy  of  fear.  Logan  never  felt  fear.  He  will  not  turn  his  heel  to  save 
his  life.  Who  is  there  to  mourn  for  Logan  ?  Not  one."  Indian  friendships 
and  resentments  were  alike ;  they  were  firmly  rooted. 


100  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

Church  imputes.  That  Indians  did  go  beyond  the  bounds  of 
the  Neck,  Sunday,  June  20,  and  that  some  tenantless  houses 
were  entered  by  Indians,  is  history.  They,  however,  offered 
no  violence,  although  fired  upon  by  white  men,  and  an  Indian 
was  wounded.  In  this  way,  according  to  accounts  of  the 
white  people  themselves,  was  war  begun.1  Great  was  the 
consequent  alarm  ;  not  because  of  Indian  depredations,  but 
because  of  the  supposed  great  numbers  of  Indians  and  their 
hostile  preparations. 

Mr.  Church  has  told  us  that  after  conversing  with  Peter, 
he  visited  the  Squaw-Sachem's  quarters  and  found  few  In- 
dians there,  her  people  being  gone,  generally  to  Metacomet's 
dance,  contrary  to  her  wishes.  She  feared  there  would  be 
war.  Mr.  Church  advised  her  to  secure  herself  and  attend- 
ants, and  send  word  to  the  Governor  of  Plymouth,  who  he 
knew  to  be  her  friend. 

Mr.  Church  then  hastened  away  to  Plymouth.  So  expedi- 
tious was  he  that  the  following  morning  he  was  in  conclave 
with  the  Governor,  and  with  magistrates  belonging  to  the 
council  of  war.  Mr.  Church  gave  to  them  a  full  account  of 
discoveries  and  suspicions.  Previous  apprehensions  were 
confirmed.  All  present  agreed  that  "  no  time  is  to  be  lost, 
but  hostile  preparations  should  be  pushed  forward  vigor- 
ously." 

Mr.  Church  says:  "An  express  came  that  same  day  to  the 

1  The  neck  of  land  on  which  are  Bristol  and  Warren,  was  the  ancient  Pokano- 
ket  adjoining  the  main  land  at  Swansey.  Fessenden's  History  of  Warren  says, 
"  The  houses  on  the  Neck  were  all  tenantless,  their  owners  being  at  church." 
Other  accounts  say,  "  The  houses  had  been  vacated  through  fear."  Mention  of 
the  transactions  is,  as  a  whole,  almost  unintelligible,  somewhat  contradictory, 
and  altogether  uncertain,  as  were  rumors  of  the  day  generally.  Hubbard's  ac- 
count of  the  matter  is  this  :  "  An  Englishman  was  so  provoked  at  the  insolence 
of  the  Indians  that  he  let  fly  a  gun  at  an  Indian,  but  did  only  wound,  not  kill, 
whereupon  the  Indians  began  to  kill  all  the  English  they  could,  so  as  on  the  24th 
of  June,  the  alarm  of  war  first  sounded  in  Plymouth  Colony  when  eight  or  nine 
Englishmen  were  slain  in,  and  about,  Swansey."  Hubbard  is  not  always  relia- 
ble. His  preceding  statement  proves  his  liability  to  err.  In  the  state  of  society 
at  the  time  being,  sparse,  and  with  only  oral  means  of  diffusing  intelligence,  it 
may  well  be  supposed  that  rumors  grew.  The  reports  of  Mr.  Church  are,  per- 
haps,  correct  as  any.  But  impartial  persons  will  find  in  them  not  much  to  en- 
courage any  accusation  that  either  Metacomet,  or  any  of  his  Mount  Hope  men 
were  the  aggressors. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  101 

Governor  who  immediately  issued  orders.  Captains  were  to 
march  their  respective  companies  and  rendezvous  at  Taunton 
where  Major  Bradford  1  was  to  be  that  night  and  dispose  of 
them  under  Major  Cudworth.2 

Such  was  the  beginning  of  an  outbreak  to  be  familiarly 
known  henceforward  as  King  Philip's  War.  Receiving  as 
correct,  all  that  Mr.  Church  and  other  chroniclers  have  told 
us,  the  gravamen  of  the  charge  against  Mount  Hope  Indians, 
touching  the  beginning  of  this  war,  is  that  the  execution  of 
certain  Indians,  and  an  unsupported  accusation  against  Meta- 
comet,  were  resented  by  a  few  Wampanoags  who,  during  a 
stroll,  entered  some  deserted  dwellings,  and,  taking  a  cow 
from  the  common  property,  killed,  dressed,  and  ate  it.3 

Metacomet  is  reported  to  have  been  seriously  affected  when 
he  heard  that  the  first  human  blood  had  been  spilled.  But 
we  are  inclined  to  think  that  his  reported  expression  of  sorrow 
therefor,  was  regret  that  hostilities  were  precipitated  before 
he  was  prepared. 

War,  however  moderate  in  its  opening,  was  really  "  be- 
gun.'' Mr.  Mather  expresses  the  fact  thus  :  "  Now  the  war  is 
begun  by  a  fierce  nation  of  Indians,  upon  a  honest,  harmless, 
Christian  generation  of  English  who  might  truly  have  said  _. 
unto  the  aggressors  as  it  was  of  old  unto  the  Ammorites,  '  I 
have  not  sinned  against  thee,  but  thou  dost  wrong  to  war 
against  me.'  " 

"  The  Massachusetts  Government  determined  to  raise  one 
hundred  men  to  assist  in  the  expedition  ;  but  it  was  thought 
best,  before  marching,  to  send  messengers  to  Metacomet  to 
divert  him  from  warlike  designs."  4 

1  Major  Bradford  was  son  of  Governor  Bradford. 

2  Major  Cudworth  was  some  time  resident  in  Barnstable. 

8  We  say  "  the  common  property,"  for  at  this  period,  Indians  were  not  depend- 
ent on  venison  for  meats,  nor  were  they  deprived  of  the  increase  from  cattle 
which  had  thriven  and  multiplied  by  having  access  to  fertile  pasture-grounds. 

If  the  few  liberties  taken  by  Metacomet's  people  on  occasion  of  their  visit  to 
the  Neck,  were  revenge  of  injuries,  the  revenge  was  wonderfully  mild. 

4  Mr.  Church  relates  that  "  these  messengers,  when  on  their  way  they  saw  the 
killed  in  Swansey,  judged  it  safe  to  proceed  no  further  but  hastened  back  to  Bos-  J 
ton,  bearing  intelligence  ;  Mr.  Mather,  thereupon  gave  utterance  to  the  announce- 
ment which  we  have  quoted." 

Mr.  Church  also  tells  us  that  he,  "  being  in  Boston  was  desired  to  use  influence 


102  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

Rev.  Dr.  Dexter  tells  us  that  «  the  Massachusetts  forces 
consisted  of  one  hundred  and  ten  men  under  Moseley,  besides 
troops  under  Prentice,  and  a  company  under  Henchman." 
Dexter  informs  us  that  "  Moseley  had  been  a  privateer  at 
Jamaica  and  that  his  volunteers  included  ten  or  twelve  pirates 
under  sentence  of  death  who  had  been  taken  out  of  jail  pur- 
posely to  join  his  command,  and  promised  life  on  good  behav- 
ior." ....  "  Several  dogs  to  be  used  in  hunting  Indians, 
were  attached  to  this  company."  "  Attached  to  Prentice's 
troops,  were  three  Christian  Indians  as  guides."  The  tout 
ensemble  of  these  forces  does  not  assure  us  that  the  Mount 
Hope  Indians  had  a  very  "  honest,  harmless,  Christian  peo- 
ple "  to  deal  with. 

The  army  having  reached  its  posts  at  Brown's  and  Miles' 
garrisons  in  Swansey,1  two  of  a  party  of  troops  going  over  the 
bridge,  were  shot.  Soon  after,  eight  persons  returning  from 
meeting  were  attacked.  The  day  was  being  observed  as  a 
fast,  to  pray  for  the  success  of  the  expedition.  The  same  day 
a  person  in  Rehoboth  was  shot.  Mr.  Church  represents  that 
soldiers  killed,  were  barbarously  mutilated.2 

Other  companies  left  Boston,  June  26,  and  marched  to- 
wards Mount  Hope,  to  be  joined  by  volunteers.  Arriving  at 
Swansey,  all  united  with  the  Plymouth  forces  "  to  operate 
with  vigor  against  the  perfidious  enemy." 

It  was  said,  "Indians  grow  bolder,  more  resolute,  and  blood- 

with  the  Rhode  Island  people  whose  bounds  the  troops  were  about  to  enter." 
Some  show  at  least  of  courtesy  was  necessary,  since  Rhode  Island  was  not  of  the 
confederacy. 

Mr.  Church  has  informed  us  that  when  the  troops  marched  to  Taunton,  he 
headed  a  company  composed  in  part  of  friendly  Indians  who  being  directed  to 
"  keep  so  far  ahead  of  the  troops  as  not  to  be  in  their  sight,  fully  obeyed  the 
order,  so  that  on  our  way  we  killed,  skinned,  roasted,  and  ate  a  deer  before  the 
main  army  came  up." 

1  These  garrisons  were  on  west  side  of  Taunton  River,  and  near  the  lower 
part  of  Mount  Hope  Bay. 

2  The  impartial  reader  whose  sensibilities  are  shocked  at  the  thought  of  such 
barbarities,  will  consider  that  the  same  things  done  by  white  people  cause  no 
shudder.  When  hundreds  of  innocent  children,  women,  and  old  men  and  war- 
riors, are  offered  as  a  holocaust,  that  is,  "  only  a  good  day's  work  "  for  which  the 

>J  approbation  of  Heaven  is  challenged.  An  Indian's  head  stuck  on  a  pole,  is  a 
Christian  act.  There  is  nothing  inhuman  in  quartering  a  noble  Sachem's  body 
and  hanging  the  parts  from  the  limbs  of  trees. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  103 

thirsty.  Skulking  in  bushes  they  shoot  any  who  venture 
abroad."  "  These  provocations,"  it  was  said,  "  draw  out  the 
resentment  of  soldiers ;  and  some  wish  to  seek  the  enemy  in 
their  quarters."  * 

Major  Savage  arriving  with  more  forces  from  Boston,  ac- 
companied by  Dudley  afterwards  governor,  and  being  in  com- 
mand, "  it  was  after  consultation  resolved  to  march  down  to 
the  Indian  towns  on  the  Neck."  These  towns  were  found 
deserted,  with  indications  that  the  wigwams  had  been  aban- 
doned in  haste.  Metacomet's  late  residence  was  seen,  but  not 
an  Indian  was  to  be  found.2 

The  fact  came  to  light  that  the  Sachem  had  removed  his 
quarters  some  time  previous.  The  presumption  is  that  only 
a  few  straggling  Indians  were  on  the  Neck  at  the  time  of  pre- 
ceding reported  engagements.  The  next  day  the  troops  re- 
turned to  Swansey.  The  Indians  were  not  beaten,  nor  were 
they  driven.  They  were  gone  from  the  Neck,  and  without 
pursuit.  Some  of  the  army,  as  Mr.  Church  tells,  were  ready  to 
congratulate  themselves  that  the  enemy  had  fled,  and  that  a 
mighty  conquest  was  gained.  It  was  even  proposed  to  build 
a  fort  at  Mount  Hope,  as  a  monument  of  victory. 

Mr.  Church  truly  says,  "  They  gained  the  soil  by  the  In- 
dians leaving  it ;  not  by  the  sword  —  it  was  rather  their  fear 
than  courage."  3 

Metacomet  had  abandoned  his  home  ;  had  left  the  graves 
of  his  fathers ;  had  yielded  the  few  leagues  remaining  of  all 
his  inheritance,  and  was  a  wanderer.  No  one  could  tell  how 
long  previous  to  the  shedding  of  the  first  drop  of  blood,  he 

i  We  give  Church  ample  opportunity  to  he  heard  in  his  own  words,  to  show 
how  "  bloodthirsty  "  the  Indians  had  become,  and  how  "  insolent "  toward  "  an 
unoffending  people  "  whose  enemy  was  in  the  vicinity. 

2  Mr.  Mather  says  :  *  We  found  Bibles  torn  up  in  defiance  of  our  holy  religion." 
The  canoes  were  all  gone  ;  and  the  conjecture  of  Major  Savage  was  that  Meta- 
comet was  gone  to  the  Pocasset  side  to  engage  men  in  his  interest.  The  prevail- 
ing conclusion  of  the  colonists  was  that  Metacomet  aimed  "  to  obtain  an  advan- 
tageous position,  to  strengthen  himself  for  rebellion." 

s  Mr.  Church  tells  that  "  The  spirit  of  the  soldiers  was  so  lacking  that  he  in- 
dignantly retreated  saying, '  The  Lord  have  mercy  on  us  if  such  a  handful  of 
Indians  may  dare  a  whole  army/  When  the  soldiery  had  first  attempted  an 
attack,  a  party  proceeding  only  a  short  distance  was  fired  upon  from  ambuscade  ; 
and  frequent  blunders,  such  as  firing  on  their  own  number,  proved  the  lack  of 
discipline." 


104  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

had  departed.  The  great  Sachem's  contiguity,  indomitable 
integrity,  as  well  as  energy  and  far-reaching  foresight,  was 
that  which  had  made  him  preeminently  an  object  of  dislike  to 
his  neighbors  at  Plymouth.  He  had  the  good  sense  to  under- 
stand what  were  the  ambitious  aspirations  of  his  exactors,  and 
could  distinguish  between  bond  fide  contracts  freely  made, 
and  such  as  were  attempted  by  finesse  —  and  to  be  repudiated 
whenever  the  demands  of  the  strong  against  the  weak  might 
make  it  convenient.  Moreover  he  had  little  confidence  in 
men  who,  notwithstanding  professions,  would  enforce  their 
policy  by  powder-and-ball  and  deception,  upon  a  people  who 
had  long  befriended  them  and  had  in  return  received  from  the 
white  men  only  injury  upon  injury. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

The  Council  of  War  were  advised  by  Mr.  Church  "  to 
pursue  the  enemy  to  the  Pocasset  side.  If  Metacomet  could 
be  killed,  it  would  accomplish  more  for  security  than  build- 
ing many  forts."  2  Orders  were  thereupon  given  to  cross  the 
ferry ;  and  Captain  Mathew  Fuller  was  directed  to  take  with 
him  six  files  of  soldiers  and  seek  an  interview  with  any  Sug- 
konate  Indians  who  might  be  accessible. 

The  company  of  Fuller,  aided  by  Church,  disposed  them- 
selves in  ambuscade  to  surprise  passing  Indians.  But  soldiers 
struck  fire,  to  enjoy  pipes,  and  to  the  chagrin  of  all  the  com- 
pany, were  discovered  by  a  party  of  the  enemy  who  otherwise 
might  have  been  captured,  but  now  fled  precipitately.2  Fuller, 
with  Church  and  thirty -six  others  who  now  composed  the  expe- 
dition, moved  towards  Sugkonate  until  reaching  the  brook  run- 
ning into  Nunnaquoget  Neck.  Here  they  found  fresh  Indian- 
tracks  from  the  direction  of  the  Great  Pine  Swamp.  They 
were  deterred  from  proceeding  further,  by  seeing  rattlesnakes, 
of  which  reptiles  they  were  more  afraid  than  of  Indians.  So, 
"  passing  down  Punkatees  Neck,  they  reached  a  large  wig- 
wam filled  with  Indian-truck.  The  soldiers  were  for  loading 
themselves  with  spoils.  But,  crossing  the  Neck,  fresh  tracks 
were  again  in  view.3  The  soldiers  now  divided  into  two 
bands  ;  and  each  lay  concealed  by  a  stone  wall.  Seeing  two 
Indians  approach,  one  band  not  using  caution  as  did  Church 

1  Fuller,  who  was  an  inhabitant  of  Barnstable,  and  Commissary  Southworth 
opposed  the  fort  project. 

2  The  ferry  crossed  was  "  Tripps',"  now  Bristol  ferry.  Parts  of  these  trans- 
actions are  doubtless  to  be  located  at  "  Howland's  ferry,"  near  the  Stone  bridge. 

8  This  was  the  southern  extremity  of  Tiverton.  They  were  in  the  territory  of 
one  of  the  Squaw  Sachems  wbo  was  believed  to  be  friendly  and  had  been  en- 
treated by  Mr.  Church  to  remain  neutral  to  entitle  herself  to  protection. 


106  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

who  lay  flat  on  the  ground,  was  discovered.  The  Indians 
turned  and  ran.  Church  called  to  them,  and  said  he  only 
wished  to  speak  to  them,  and  would  not  hurt  any  one.  But, 
pursued  by  the  whole  party,  the  fleeing  Indians  leaped  a  wall, 
turned,  and  fired.  Their  pursuers  returned  the  fire,  and 
Church  thought  the  yells  of  the  Indians  indicated  that  some 
were  wounded.  All  were,  however,  soon  out  of  sight  in  a 
thicket. 

Passing  on  over  the  cleared  field  the  woods  on  one  side  of 
it  being  dense,  the  party  were  startled  by  a  volley.  They 
saw  many  Indians.  Looking  now  for  their  boats  they  saw 
near  a  large  company  of  horse  and  foot  congregated  to  bring 
off  stock  from  Tunkatees.  This  company  had  been  ambus- 
caded. 

Going  to  the  Island,  to  procure  provisions,  Mr.  Church  fell 
in  with  a  noted  Indian  by  the  name  of  Alderman.  This  In- 
dian had  deserted,  and  just  from  Weetamoe's  dominions, 
gave  information  with  which  Mr.  Church  hastened  back  to 
Mount  Hope  garrison  where  he  found  a  willingness  on  the 
part  of  the  army  to  make  a  diversion  against  Weetamoe.  Al- 
though provided  with  guides  familiar  with  the  premises,  the 
troops,  after  marching  about  two  miles,  were  ordered  to  stop 
for  consultation  ;  it  was  suggested  that  possibly  Metacomet 
with  all  his  men  had  by  this  time  arrived  at  Weetamoe's 
camp,  and  that,  with  the  Queen's  warriors  also  returned,  the 
two  sets  of  warriors  would  be  formidable.  Finally,  the  army 
being  reinforced  and  a  transport  obtained,  Mr.  Church  went, 
with  one  Baxter  1  and  a  renegade  by  the  name  of  Hunter,  to 
reconnoitre.  Starting  three  Indians,  "  Hunter  shot  and 
wounded  one  of  them  whom  he  found  to  be  his  own  near 
kinsman.  Desiring  favor  for  his  wife  should  she  fall  into  the 
hands  of  his  captors,  the  wounded  man  asked  nothing  for 
himself  except  liberty  to  take  a  single  whiff  of  tobacco. 
Whilst  smoking,  he  was  dispatched  by  a  single  blow."  2 

1  Mr.  Dexter  says,  "  Baxter  belonged  to  Yarmouth  and  was  one  of  thirty  sol- 
diers impressed  into  the  country's  service  and  sent  to  Mount  Hope  against  our 
enemies,  the  Indians,  June  24,  1678;  and  as  a  maimed  soldier  was  in  1677  al- 
lowed by  the  Plymouth  Court,  £20." 

2  The  renegade,  Hunter,  was  one  of  fifty-two  Nipmucks  who,  as  Praying  In- 
dians, were  in  the  army.    He  was  rewarded  by  the  Court  for  bravery,  he  bring- 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  107 

The  "  company  pursued  its  way  towards  Weetamoe's 
camp  ;  but  were  discovered  by  an  Indian  who  sounded  alarm. 
They  shot  and  killed  an  Indian  who  was  at  a  fire  roasting 
meat ;  other  Indians  standing  around,  near  the  edge  of  the 
swamp,  ran  and  were  pursued  by  the  soldiers  until  the  cries 
of  women  and  children  in  the  swamp  were  heard.  The  sol- 
diers were  then  recalled ;  but,  going  to  look  for  their  trans- 
port, the  Indians  pursued  them  and  wounded  two." 

Soon  after,  viz.,  July  18,  the  head-quarters  of  Metacomet 
were  sought  by  other  forces.  But,  as  Hubbard  \nforms  us, 
"  the  Sachem  and  his  gang  had,  like  Weetamoe,  the  fortune 
to  escape.  All  left  the  borders  and  took  to  the  depths  of  a 
large  swamp,  deserting  a  hundred  wigwams  newly  constructed 
from  green  bark  that  they  might  not  easily  fire.  In  one  of 
the  wigwams  was  found  an  aged  man  who  said  Metacomet 
had  been  there  recently." 

It  appears,  from  Hubbard's  narrative,  that  these  soldiers 
found  themselves  to  be  in  no  enviable  position ;  "the  enemy 
took  advantage  of  the  thick  underwood,  and  soldiers  were  as 
much  in  danger  from  fellows  as  foes,  tempted  through  fear  to 
shoot  at  any  bush  that  stirred,  supposing  it  to  be  an  Indian." 
"  A  retreat  was  therefore  ordered,  to  dispose  of  dead  and 
wounded."  1 

ing  back  from  the  war  a  scalp  —  probably  that  of  his  near  kinsman  summarily 
dispatched. 

1  Hubbard  says,  "  Fifteen  or  sixteen  Indians  were  slain,  which  struck  such  a 
terror  into  Philip  that  he  betook  himself  to  the  swamps  about  Pocasset,  like  a 
wild  boar  kept  at  bay  by  this  small  party."  Mr.  Hubbard,  however,  acknowl- 
edges that  "  five  or  six  English  soldiers  were  killed." 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

The  effects  of  war  were  in  the  latter  part  of  July  conspic- 
uous at  various  and  widely  distant  localities.  Indians  pre- 
senting themselves  at  Apponeganset  and  it  being  reported 
that  inhabitants  were  slain  and  houses  burned,  forces  were 
ordered  thither  from  Plymouth.  But,  on  arriving  at  Russell's 
garrison,  all  Indians  were  found  to  be  pacific.  Through  per- 
suasion of  a  gentleman  in  whom  they  had  confidence,  they 
had,  in  large  body,  gone  into  the  garrison  and  surrendered.1 
Terms  of  capitulation  were  stipulated,  and  the  conditions  were 
solemnly  guaranteed.2  It  is  humiliating  to  record  how  basely 
"  the  promises  were  falsified.  These  Indians  were  ordered 
and  sent  to  Plymouth,  where  about  eight  score  of  them  were 
sold  as  slaves  to  be  transported  out  of  the  country  !  " 

Whilst  this  shameful  treachery  was  being  enacted,  Meta- 
comet  passed  over  the  Taunton  River  and  made  his  way  to  the 
interior.  From  this  moment,  December  4,  there  was,  with  the 
exception  of  one  or  two  unimportant  skirmishes,  a  chasm  in 

1  Mr.  Ralph  Earl  who  had  removed  to  Dartmouth,  from  Portsmouth,  R.  I., 
and  had  become  a  large  land-holder  and  whose  acquaintance  with  Indians  was 
extensive,  was  their  kindly  adviser.  He  fully  believed  humane  treatment  to  be 
all  that  was  needed  to  render  Indians  peaceful  and  friendly.  By  the  agency  of  a 
friendly  Indian,  Mr.  Earl  had  accomplished  the  result.  The  whole  body  of  In- 
dians in  Apponeganset,  had  volunteered. 

2  Both  Mr.  Earl  and  the  Indians  reposed  confidence  in  the  integrity  of  the 
commander  of  the  garrison,  Capt.  Eels,  of  whom  it  is  proper  to  say  that  he  in 
conjunction  with  Messrs.  Earl  and  Church  did  all  that  was  possible  to  preserve 
inviolate  the  faith  pledged.  They  were  M  overruled  by  Government."  See  Col- 
onial Records,  vol.  v.,  p.  173,  and  Hist.  Collections,  vol.  v.,  p.  170.  All  persons 
who  ventured  to  disapprove  of  the  high-handed  and  disgraceful  iniquity,  lost 
thereby  the  good-will  of  many.  Mr.  Church  thought  that  "  had  the  promises 
made  to  the  Apponeganset  capitulants  been  kept,  it  was  more  than  probable 
other  Indians  would  have  followed  the  example  of  the  160  who  surrendered,  and 
it  would  have  been  an  important  step  gained  towards  finishing  the  war." 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  109 

waVlike   movements.     Metacomet  was  not   personally  heard 
from ;  he  was  gone  and  serious  times  were  at  hand. 

Metacomet  had  long  known  that  the  colonists  expected  that 
he  would,  sooner  or  later,  fall  into  their  hands.  He  saw  that 
he  was  closely  watched,  and  he  knew  that,  should  he  be  cap- 
tured, mercy  was  not  to  be  expected  from  his  enemies.  Per- 
fectly understanding  the  desperation  of  his  case  he  had  re- 
solved to  change  his  location.  His  sagacity  had  taught  him 
that  so  long  as  Indians  take  to  the  swamps,  it  will  be  the  pol- 
icy of  their  assailants  to  starve  them  out.  Now,  followed  by 
a  few  trusted  warriors,  he  was  making  his  way  to  the  West. 
So  it  was  thought.1  Seen  by  people  of  Rehoboth,  they  were 
quickly  on  his  trail,  attended  by  Mohegan  recruits.2 

Rumors  were  now  afloat  that  Narragansetts  were  ill- 
affected.3  Indians  were  thought  to  be  gaining  ascendency  ; 
and  it  was  supposed  that  a  general  waking  of  Nipmucks,  Nash- 
aways,  Niantics,  River  Indians,  and  others,  indicated  "  a  coa- 
lition." There  were,  in  fact,  during  the  entire  autumn  and 
succeeding  winter  and  spring,  disquieting  rumors.  It  was  be- 
lieved that  Metacomet,  though  not  personally  present  in  In- 
dian councils,  had  the  warm  sympathy  of  Indians,  the  patri- 
otic sentiments  of  the  Great  Wampanoag  being  everywhere 
revered. 

Feelings  long  pent  began  now  to  be  manifest,  sweeping  a 
tortuous  path,  but  involving  many  places  in  trouble.  In 
Providence,  Seekonk,  Rehoboth,  Middleborough,  Mendham, 
etc.,  houses  were  burned,  and  Brookfield  shared  in  the  calam 
ities.  The  panic  became  great,  and  still  it  spread.  No  one 
could  tell  where  desolations  would  appear  next.  People  were 
appalled,  and  many  began  to  fear  that  God  had  forsaken  the 
colonies.  "  The  enemy  "  were  said  to  be  ubiquitous.  Days 
of  fasting  were  observed.  Fortunately  for  colonists  Indians 
were  contesting  against  destiny. 

1  The  chief  seat  of  Nipmucks  was  near  the  great  ponds  of  Webster.  The  re- 
gion about  Worcester,  Grafton,  Oxford,  etc.,  was  the  Nipmuck  country ;  but 
tribes  of  the  same  also  inhabited  portions  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island. 

2  The  services  of  Mohegans  had  been  engaged  by  Boston  parties,  especially  to 
fight  against  Metacomet. 

3  Narragansetts,  occupying  mainly  the  lower  part  of  Rhode  Island,  were  not 
only  a  brave  and  warlike  race,  but  a  commercial  people.  Pequods  had,  until  de- 
stroyed, been  in  the  habit  of  jeering  them  for  their  trading  proclivities. 


110  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

The  Governor  of  Massachusetts  sent  large  forces  now  into 
the  Narragansett  country.  His  object,  as  appears  by  instruc- 
tions to  Major  Savage,  was  to  form  a  new  treaty.  "  We 
judge  it  absolutely  necessary  to  put  all  Indians  to  a  test  of 
fidelity.  If  they  desire  our  friendship,  they  must  not  harbor 
or  nourish  any  that  are  our  enemies.  In  case  Philip  or  any 
of  his  flee  to  them  they  must  forthwith  deliver  them  up  and 
send  hostages  for  our  security,  and  join  us  in  pursuit  and 
conquest  of  their  and  our  enemy."  1 

"  A  treaty  "  was  extorted,  July  15,  which  was  substan- 
tially as  follows  : 

"  1.  All  and  every  of  the  Sachems  shall,  from  time  to  time, 
seize  and  deliver,  living  or  dead,  all  and  every  of  Philip's 
subjects,  to  the  English. 

"  2.  Shall,  to  the  utmost  of  their  ability,  use  all  acts  of 
hostility  against  the  said  Philip  and  his  subjects,  killing  and 
destroying  until  a  cessation  of  war  be  concluded  by  the  Mas- 
sachusetts and  Connecticut  colonies. 

"  3.  Shall  make  satisfaction  for  all  injuries,  and  deliver  up 
offenders. 

"  4.  Shall,  by  their  warriors,  protect  the  English. 

"  5.  Sachem's  near  kinsmen  and  choice  friends  shall  be 
hostages  for  the  performance  of  all  engagements. 

"  6.  Narragan  setts  shall  receive  forty  trucking  coats  for  the 
capture  of  Philip  alive;  two  coats  for  any  other  prisoners 
brought  in  alive  ;  and  one  coat  for  every  head. 

"  7.  All  sales  of  lands  to  the  English,  to  be  confirmed." 

"This  treaty"  was  signed  by  Canonicus,  Ninigret,  Matta- 
toag,  Quinapen,  Quanashet,  Pumham,  Agamaug,  Wampash, 
Taitson,  and  Tawageson,  Sachems  or  Leading  Narragan  setts. 

No  suggestions  are  necessary  to  enable  the  reader  to  per- 
ceive that  the  Indians  had  a  hard  set  of  avowed  enemies  with 
whom  to  negotiate. 

Nipmucks  early  began  mischief  at  Mendon  ;  and  the  Gov- 
ernor, hoping  to  bring  them  back  to  allegiance,  sent  twenty 

1  Mr.  Mather  had  nothing  now  to  say  about  rumors,  but  plainly  declares  the 
object  of  the  movement,  simply  expedience  or  convenience.  "  We  took  this  op- 
portunity, sword  in  hand,  to  confirm  and  renew  our  peace  with  a  people  of  whose 
conjunction  with  Philip  we  had  come  to  be  afraid." 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  Ill 

horse  to  Quaboag,  alias  Brookfield,  to  make  "  a  treaty  "  with 
Nipmucks.  Inhabitants  of  Brookfield,  where  a  rendezvous 
was  appointed,  accompanied  Captain  Henchman  to  the  place 
designated  ;  but  if  Indians  had  thought  of  a  treaty,  they  had 
changed  their  minds  ;  no  Indians  were  there.  They  had 
probably  learned  from  the  experience  of  other  Indians,  and 
had  acquired  a  true  estimate  of  the  value  of  written  parch- 
ments. Captain  Henchman  did  not  at  first  suspect  design  in 
the  absence  of  those  whom  he  proposed  to  meet,  and  im- 
prudently pushed  forward  to  the  Nipmuck  chief  town.  His 
whole  company  became  ambushed,  between  a  swamp  and  a 
steep  hill,  by  three  hundred  Indians.  Their  first  fire  killed 
eight  of  Captain  Henchman's  men,  and  others,  including  the 
commander,  were  mortally  wounded  ! 

Indians  flocking  into  Brookfield,  the  inhabitants  gathered 
for  its  defense.  In  a  few  moments,  however,  the  town  was 
in  flames.  An  attempt  was  made  by  Indians  to  burn  the 
building  where  many  people  had  congregated.  The  oppor- 
tune arrival  of  Major  Willard  with  forty-eight  soldiers,  frus- 
trated the  incendiarism.  Indian  scouts  had  discovered  Major 
Willard's  approach  and  fired  signals.  It  was  fortunate  that 
.the  main  body  of  Nipmucks,  by  their  high  glee,  were  pre- 
vented hearing  the  signals.  Willard  joined  the  besieged ; 
and  Indians  poured  upon  him  a  shower  of  balls,  from  which 
he  received  no  great  damage.  But,  now  finding  himself 
greatly  outnumbered  by  the  enemy,  he  dare  not  pursue 
them. 

Where  Metacomet  was,  in  all  these  troubles,  is  left  in  some 
doubt.1 

1  An  Indian,  captured  at  the  time  of  Captain  Henchman's  ambuscade,  related 
that  "  Metacomet  came,  August  5,  to  a  swamp  about  six  miles  from  Meminissett, 
having  with  him  a  company  of  about  forty  men,  but  women  and  children  many 
more."  This  Indian  stated  that  "Metacomet  was  conducted  thither  by  two 
Indians,  one  of  whom  was  Caleb  of  Tatumasket,  beyond  Mendon.  About  thirty 
of  his  men  had  guns,  the  rest  bows  and  arrows."  The  captured  Indian  also 
said,  "  The  Quaboags  and  Nipmucks  told  Metacomet  all  that  had  taken  place ; 
and  Metacomet  presented  to  several  Sagamores  a  peck  of  wampum."  The  same 
informant  further  said,  "  Metacomet  told  us  there  were  in  his  train  when  he  left 
home  to  come  among  the  Nipmucks,  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  persons,  the 
Squaw-Sachem  and  her  company  included.  Some  left  him,  and  others  were 
killed."    Moreover,  that "  Metacomet  was,"  so  the  Indian  thought,  of  opinion 


112  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

Soon  Indians  near  Hadley,  Hatfield,  Deerfield,  and  places 
on  the  Merrimac,  began  hostilities.  Before  the  month  of 
August  closed,  the  whole  colony  was  in  a  state  of  consterna- 
tion. A  battle  had  been  fought,  early  in  the  month,  near 
Hadley,  in  which  ten  English  and  twenty-six  Indians  were 
killed.  Deerfield  was  burned,  and  by  attack  Northfield  suf- 
fered the  loss  of  several  men. 

In  Deerfield  a  large  quantity  of  corn  had  been  stored.  This 
the  Government  saw  fit  to  remove.  Captain  Lothrop  being 
sent,  with  eighty  soldiers,  to  guard  its  transportation,  was 
attacked,  and,  though  he  fought  bravely,  could  not  contend 
against  fearful  odds.  Nearly  all  his  company  were  cut  off. 
Captain  Moseley  fought  the  Indians  several  hours,  but  com- 
ing late  could  afford  no  aid.  At  last  the  arrival  of  Major 
Treat,  with  one  hundred  and  gixty  Mohegans,  obliged  the 
enemy  to  retire.  "  The  army  was  ordered  to  pursue  ;  but 
the  Indians'  track  lay  through  a  hideous  forest  where  hosts 
fired  upon  the  pursuers,  so  that  many  soldiers  were  killed, 
and  only  sixteen  escaped.1 

Springfield  Indians  who  had  lived  on  good  terms  with  the 
colonists  more  than  forty  years,  were  next  suspected.  Jeal- 
ousy, awakened  by  disclosures  said  to  have  been  made  by  an 
Indian,  induced  increased  caution,  but  afforded  no  security  to 
property;  thirty-two  houses  and  barns,  with  other  buildings, 
were  conflagrated  in  Springfield.2 

"  An  alarm  was  sounded,  September  23,  in  Boston,  and, 
within  an  hour,  twelve  hundred  men  were  under  arms."  As 
fast  as  Indians  residing  there,  or  near,  could  be  collected,  they 
were  sent  to  Deer  Island.  Compelled  to  remain  on  the  island 
through  winter,  they  suffered  terribly;  and  bitterly  com- 
plained of   cold  and  privations.     Lack  of  sympathy  was  so 

that  "  had  the  English  charged  vigorously  only  a  day  or  two  longer,  at  the 
swamp,  his  people  would  all  have  been  captured  or  killed,  for  their  powder  was 
almost  all  consumed."     Such  was  the  Indian's  story. 

1  Before  September  18,  ninety  men  had  been  slain  between  Deerfield  and 
Hadley.  The  disaster  to  Captain  Lothrop's  company  was  a  sad  event  for  the 
County  of  Essex. 

2  Indians  had  a  fort  in  Springfield,  but  were  thought,  October  5,  to  have  been 
induced  to  sympathy  with  Metacomet's  interests.  Disclosures  to  that  effect  were 
made  by  a  Windsor  Indian ;  involving  also,  Punkapoags,  Naticks,  and  Indians 
near  Boston,  some  of  whom  were,  at  the  moment,  serving  with  English  forces. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  113 

general  among  citizens,  that  the  sentiment  often  and  openly 
expressed,  was  "  Let  them  die."  x 

A  Fast  was  ordered  to  be  observed  throughout  the  Colony 
of  Massachusetts,  October  7 ;  and  the  General  Court,  by 
special  legislation,  provided  that  "  hereafter  no  person  shall 
harbor  or  entertain  an  Indian." 

Hatfield  had  been  attacked  by  large  bodies  of  Indians, 
September  19,  and  several  persons  killed  and  buildings  de- 
stroyed. A  company,  under  Captain  Henderson,  "  was  or- 
dered to  Grafton  and  vicinity  ;  "  but  no  remarkable  exploit 
is  credited  to  them. 

Indians,  now,  generally,  for  a  time,  withdrew  from  overt 
hostilities.2  But  some  preceding  events,  with  similar  but  less 
important,  are  said  to  have  happened  during  Metacomet's 
absence  from  the  bounds  of  the  Plymouth  Colony.  A  few 
straggling  Indians  only,  moving  here  and  there,  were  to  be 
seen,  until  about  the  close  of  November ;  but  some  "  lurked 
in  swamps,  concealed  and  known  by  petty  acts  of  mischief."  3 

1  The  Boston  alarm  turned  out  to  have  been  "  owing  to  a  fright  occasioned  by 
a  supposed  signal  in  Mendon ;  a  drunken  man  left  on  guard  had  fired  his  gun." 

2  Hutchinson  remarks  that  "  Metacomet  having  left  the  Plymouth  Colony 
and  Narragansetts  being  peaceful,  that  colony  was  less  affected." 

3  A  letter  received  in  England,  bearing  date  of  the  week  of  the  Fast,  says,  "  It 
was  with  show  of  outward  persistence  and  no  doubt  with  inward  affection 
by  many.  The  Governor  himself  began  the  services  with  a  most  heavenly 
prayer." 

8 


w 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

Unity  of  action  at  an  early  day  might  possibly  have  gained 
for  the  Indians  their  cause.  But  now,  the  Pequots  nearly 
extinct ;  Mohegans  allied  to  white  people  ;  Mohawks  not  ap- 
prehending the  least  possibility  of  dangerous  inroads  ever  be- 
ing made  upon  themselves ;  a  few  natives  scattered  here  and 
there,  and  slaves  to  the  white  man,  and  never  to  be  trusted, 
even  though  called  praying  Indians  ;  Narragansetts  either 
tardy  or  too  lukewarm  in  asserting  and  vindicating  their 
patriotism ;  the  Wampanoags  had  to  contend  against  fearful 
odds. 

Winter  was  come,  generally  a  season  of  leisure  to  the  col- 
onists. The  granaries  of  the  Wampanoags,  once  overflowing 
with  enough  for  their  own  subsistence  and  to  spare  to  their 
neighbors,  were  well-nigh  exhausted ;  they  had  little  oppor- 
tunity to  plant,  and  there  was  no  ground  where  Indians  could 
hope  to  succeed  in  any  effort  to  produce  a  harvest ;  their  fish- 
ing places  had  become  scenes  of  peril,  and  even  hunting  was 
attended  by  danger.  Besides  all,  efforts  were  being  made  to 
alienate  from  them  their  neighbors,  the  Narragansetts,  who, 
the  colonists  feared,  might  otherwise  join  the  Wampanoags. 
It  was,  in  fact,  said  by  the  English  that  "  the  Narragansetts 
were  giving  shelter  to  the  women  and  children  of  the  enemy." 

The  Narragansetts  had  violated  no  treaty,  and  the  ink  on 
the  parchment  of  the  last  treaty  had  scarcely  become  dry  ; 
but  it  was  resolved  by  colonists  "  to  regard  that  people  as 
enemies."  There  is  no  doubt  that  their  hearts  were  with 
Metacomet.1 

1  Mr.  Morton  charged  the  Narragansetts  with  coldness  in  respect  to  the  in- 
terests of  the  colonies.  "  That  lukewarmness  should  be  evinced  in  respect  to  a 
treaty  which  had  been  extorted  at  the  point  of  bayonet,  and  which  embodied  the 
very  quintessence  of  oppression,"  was  not  unnatural. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  115 

The  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  agreed,  Novem- 
ber 2,  to  u  raise  an  army  "  to  suppress  Narragansetts,  and 
Governor  Winslow  was  appointed  to  the  command.  The 
army  was  to  consist  of  1,000  men,  besides  all  friendly  Indians 
who  might  be  induced  to  join.  Massachusetts  was  to  furnish 
527 ;  Plymouth  Colony,  158  ;  and  Connecticut,  395.  These 
troops,  gathered  in  the  severity  of  the  winter,  from  all  parts 
of  New  England,  were  mustered  into  service  December  8  ; 
and  soon  marched,  guided  by  a  renegade  Indian,  to  the  Nar- 
ragansetts's  country.1 

"  The  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  Colony  forces  were 
met  by  those  from  Connecticut,  December  18,  a  cold  and 
stormy  day.  The  soldiers  were  shelterless;  but,  nothing 
daunted,  endured  the  hardships,  and  next  morning,  after 
marching  fifteen  miles  through  snow,  found  themselves,  at 
break  of  day,  at  the  edge  of  a  great  swamp  where  the  enemy 
were  entrenched.' ' 

It  has  been  developed  that  Canonchet,  then  Head- Sachem 
of  the  Narragansetts,  was  fully  aware  of  the  doings  of  the 
English  ;  and  had  fortified  his  position  with  his  whole  avail- 
able strength  —  so  far  as  the  brief  period  would  allow.  The 
former  forbearance  of  Indians,  and  all  their  sacrifices  for 
peace  were  now  to  be  recompensed  with  murderous  haste ; 
and  every  expression  of  desire  for  the  rights  of  humanity  was 
to  be  met  with  derision ! 

The  Narragansetts  retired  before  the  invaders'  advance, 
and  made  no  opposition  until  exasperated  by  finding  that 
their  only  alternative  was  self-defense  or  destruction. 

Pumham,  one  of  the  Narragansett  Sachems,  whose  domin- 
ion was  Shawomet,  on  being  certified  of  the  army's  approach 
had  fled  to  the  woods. 

1  This  Indian,  who  was  so  almost  indispensable  to  the  English  forces,  and  of 
whom  Mather  says,  "  They  could  not  well  have  lived  without  him,"  was,  as  Hub- 
bard informs  us,  "  one  of  thirty-six  Indians  surprised  by  Captain  Moseley  on  his 
way  to  Wickford.  He  had  become  offended  with  his  countrymen,  which  made 
him  a  real  friend  to  our  forces.  Without  his  assistance  we  would  have  been  at  a 
loss  to  find  the  enemy  until  it  had  become  too  late  for  the  fight." 

A  somewhat  different  account  is  in  the  Chronicle.  It  says,  "  This  Indian 
was  ordered  to  be  hanged  forthwith,  and,  to  save  his  life,  told  where  the  body  of 
Indians  were."    See  Drake's  "  Hubbard." 


116  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

"  In  the  midst  of  a  dense  swamp  whither  the  Narragansetts 
had  retired,  was  the  fortress  on  a  slight  elevation  of  three  or 
four  acres,  the  entire  circumference  surrounded  by  palisades, 
within  which  was  a  compact  accumulation  of  brush,  making  a 
barricade  one  rod  in  thickness,  with  one  single  gap  defended 
by  a  block-house  with  another  breastwork  within.  The  only 
way  of  entering  the  fort  was  by  a  log  forming  a  bridge  over 
a  ditch.1  Hubbard  says,  "  The  enemy  found  many  ways 
out." 

It  is  not  expected  that  existing  generations  will  take  pride 
in  the  recital  of  the  entire  intercourse  of  colonists  with  ab- 
origines. It  may  be  presumed,  however,  that  all  people  are 
not  so  insensible  to  historical  facts  as  to  ignore  a  record  in- 
dicating early  transactions  presenting  a  fair  view  of  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  first  occupancy  of  our  New  England  domain. 
The  design  of  the  present  narrative  is  not  to  indite  what  shall 
be  amusing,  but  that  which  shall  be  instructive  to  intelligent 
investigators.  Regretting  all  that  appears  adverse  to  righteous 
and  honorable  dealing,  we  will  nevertheless  be  faithful  to 
authentic  facts. 

Returning  to  our  notice  of  General  Winslow's  army,  we 
remark  that  in  approaching  the  swamp  which  was  to  be  the 
scene  of  a  general  massacre,  a  few  Indians  were  seen  in  the 
outskirts.  Fired  upon,  they  returned  the  fire  and  fled.  The 
army  now  entered  the  swamp,  following  the  retreating  In- 
dians.     The  engagement  became  fierce  and  bloody.2      The 

1  The  swamp  was  in  the  northwest  part  of  Kingston.  Mr.  Church  seems  to 
have  been  indispensable  in  these  movements,  and  had  been  invited  by  General 
Winslow,  late  Governor  Winslow,  to  accompany  the  invaders.  He  made  himself 
useful  in  obtaining  information  in  regard  to  Indians'  resorts,  sleeping-places, 
wigwams,  etc.  "  He  anticipated  the  arrival  of  General  Winslow,  by  the  capture, 
with  aid  of  certain  daring  fellows,  of  eighteen  Indians,  who  were  offered  to  the 
General,  and  two  likely  boys  were  sent  a  present  to  friends  in  Boston."  The 
party  under  Church,  "  had  by  noon,  December  14,  killed  one  man  and  one  squaw 
and  brought  in  fourteen  prisoners,  one  of  whom  they  beheaded.  Before  night 
they  brought  in  nine  other  prisoners,  young  and  old."  "  The  next  day  a  mes- 
senger pretending  to  come  from  the  Sachem  desired  peace."  A  letter  from 
Major  Bradford  certified  "  We  arrived  at  Smith's  garrison  and  took  thirty-five 
prisoners.  I  sent  out  thirty  of  my  men  and  killed  two  Indians  and  brought  in 
four  prisoners,  one  of  whom  he  beheaded.  At  night  our  army  had  killed  seven 
more,  and  brought  in  nine." 

2  It  does  not  appear  that  the  troops  were  drawn  up  in  military  order.    The 


.    CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  117 

Indians'  place  of  shelter  being  attacked,  the  resistance  was 
desperate.  The  invaders  were  driven  out ;  but  many  Indians 
became  scattered  around,  and  great  confusion  of  the  troops 
ensued.  It  became  impossible  to  distinguish  the  enemy  from 
friendly  Indians  belonging  to  the  army.  It  is  related  that 
"  a  random  fire  on  a  formidable  black  heap  gathered  behind 
shrubbery,  caused  scores  of  Indians  to  bite  the  dust.  Many 
escaping  that  fire,  ran  into  the  fort ;  and  bloody  tracks  were 
seen  in  other  directions." 

"  After  some  hours  fighting,  there  were  indications  that 
the  ammunition  of  Indians  was  spent  ;  they  began  to  let 
arrows  fly.  The  troops  thought  to  pursue  Indians  scattered 
in  and  around  the  swamp  ;  but  this  was  discouraged.  It  was 
quickly  resolved  to  set  fire  to  the  fort."  This  measure  was 
remonstrated  against  by  some  ;  but  not  from  humanity  alone.1 
Excitement  was  not  favorable  to  reflection.  The  general  in 
command  having  given  peremptory  orders  to  burn,  all  wig- 
wams with  their  inmates  and  the  provisions  were  in  a  few 
moments  wrapt  in  flames.  Few  Indians  escaped  and  fled  to 
a  neighboring  cedar-swamp.  They  had  no  provisions  ;  they 
could  obtain  no  shelter. 

The  English  in  the  field  were  in  want.  Had  it  not  been 
for  the  opportune  arrival  of  a  vessel  laden  with  supplies, 
many  at  the  garrison  would  have  suffered  from  starvation. 
Major  Bradford  has  well  said,  "  It  was  a  mercy  that  the  In- 
dians did  not  pursue  our  troops.  The  young  warriors  desired 
to  do  it,  but  their  chiefs  forbade." 

several  captains  were  at  the  head  of  their  respective  companies ;  soldiers  from 
Massachusetts,  under  Johnson  and  Davenport,  were  first  to  enter,  and  they  fell 
in  the  act.  Gallup,  Siely,  and  Marshall,  Connecticut  captains,  shared  the  same 
fate,  as  also  Gardner  of  Massachusetts,  as  did  many  subordinate  officers  arid 
privates.  It  were  a  poor  compliment  to  the  coolness  and  discipline  of  the  com- 
mand, to  record  the  fact  that  the  bravest  men,  such  as  hazarded  their  lives  to 
enter  the  fort,  were,  as  Mr.  Church  believed,  "  shot  in  the  back  by  those  of  the 
army  who  remained  in  the  edge  of  the  swamp." 

1  It  was  well  understood  that  within  the  fort  were  five  or  six  hundred  wigwams 
made  musket  proof,  as  a  general  thing,  by  tubs  or  baskets  filled  with  grain,  and 
other  provisions  stowed  against  the  sides,  containing  sufficient  quantities  to 
supply  an  army.  It  was  an  object  to  secure  the  provisions  for  the  sustenance  of 
the  troops.  "  The  supplies  of  the  Plymouth  forces  had  been  wholly  distributed. 
There  was  not  so  much  as  one  biscuit  left."  It  "  was  argued,  if  the  wigwams  are 
spared,  our  soldiers  may  have  shelter,  without  which  many,  especially  the 
wounded,  will  inevitably  perish." 


118  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

The  soldiers,  returning  to  garrison,  carried  their  dead  and 
wounded.  Some  of  the  latter  perished  by  exposure.  The 
night  was  intensely  cold ;  the  heavens  were  filled  with  snow  ; 
the  storm  was  tremendous.  Mr.  Church  tells  of  many  casu- 
alties.1 

Indians  proposed,  December  23,  to  treat  for  peace ;  but  it 
was  "  conceived  that  Indians  had  no  mind  to  conclude  a  peace, 
and  were  only  wishing  to  gain  time  to  remove  their  fighting 
men  and  provisions  farther  up  the  country,  to  rocks  where 
they  could  not  be  approached,  without  danger.  No  notice, 
therefore,  was  taken  of  Indian  overtures." 

"  Pumham's  town  was  invaded,  December  27.  Captain 
Prentice  burned  about  one  hundred  deserted  wigwams  and 
captured  a  squaw,  by  whom  he  sent  terms  of  peace."  2  The 
terms  were  "  Deliver  up  all  Philip's  Indians." 

An  Indian  came,  December  30,  from  Narragansetts,  with 

1  Mr.  Church  was  always  ready  to  be  on  hand,  and  Government  was  generally 
willing  to  profit  by  his  knowledge  and  skill  in  Indian  warfare,  even  when  there 
was  no  cordial  acknowledgment  of  his  services.  Perhaps  his  egotism  was  offen- 
sive. Certain  it  is  that  his  own  personal  exploits  are  mentioned  with  minuteness. 
Little  or  no  allusion  to  Church,  is  made  by  Major  Bradford. 

Mr.  Mather  tells  us,  that  "  Eighty-five  of  the  English  were  killed  that  night, 
and  one  hundred  and  forty-five  were  wounded."  He  also  says,  "  At  least  a  thou- 
sand Indians  perished."  Mr.  Hubbard  says,  "  Some  of  the  enemy  confessed  that 
700  of  their  fighting-men  were  killed  that  day,  and  that  300  more  died  of  wounds 
and  hardships."  Hubbard  says,  "  The  whole  number  of  those  who  perished  by 
sword,  fire,  cold,  and  famine,  including  women,  children,  and  aged  men,  could 
never  be  ascertained."  Mr.  Church  tells  that  "  forty-seven  Indians,  young  and 
old,  we  sold  to  Captain  Davenport  for  £80." 

Accounts  of  that  terrible  night's  occurrences,  are  various.  Governor  Dudley 
was  at  the  fight  and  says,  "  There  were  ascertained  to  have  been  3,000  warriors 
and  1,000  reserves  in  the  fort,  to  whom  we  would  have  been  a  morsel  if  God 
pleased.  One  Sachem  killed,  and  the  Indians'  powder  spent,  caused  these  In- 
dians to  retreat."  Indians  subsequently  captured,  related  that  "  nearly  a  third  of 
the  people  belonging  to  the  Narragansetts,  were  either  killed  by  guns  of  the  Eng- 
lish, or  perished  by  fire  or  cold."  The  horrors  of  famine  pursued  the  escaped. 
The  fort  had  been  the  store-house  of  the  Indians.  They  were  now  without  food, 
without  homes,  bereft  of  friends,  and  well-nigh  without  hope  of  revenge. 

2  "A  Sugkonate  Indian  told  Mr.  Church  that  he  himself  was  the  Indian  who 
formerly  wounded  Church ;  and  was,  at  the  time,  one  of  sixty  or  seventy  just 
arrived  from  Pumham's  tribe  and  had  never  before  fired  a  gun  at  any  white 
man."  Is  it  not  remarkable  that,  with  the  exception  of  the  visit  of  the  two  men 
from  Plymouth  to  the  sick-bed  of  Massasoit,  no  Englishman  was  ever  known  to 
be  credited  with  the  performance  of  a  friendly  act,  or  the  utterance  of  a  concilia- 
tory word,  to  an  Indian. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  119 

thanks  for  offered  peace,  but  complaining  that  the  English 
make  war  without  notice. 

"  English  troops  were  diligent  in  pursuit  of  Indians,  hunt- 
ing and  destroying  them."     So  says  Mr.  Hubbard. 

Major  Bradford's  last  report  was,  that  "Besides  the  five 
hundred  wigwams  burned  in  the  fort,  two  hundred  others  in 
different  places  have  been  destroyed.  We  have  now  and  then 
killed  an  Indian  ;  we  killed  nine  last  Tuesday."  Mr.  Hub- 
bard tells  that,  January  7,  "  two  messengers  came,  from  In- 
dians, desiring  to  enter  into  a  treaty  of  peace.  They  cast 
blame  on  Canonchet."  Mr.  Hubbard  further  tells,  that, 
"January  8,  another  attempt  to  negotiate  a  peace  was  made 
by  Ninigret,  the  aged  Sachem  of  the  Niantics  ;  but  that  was 
mere  pretense,  for  that  young  and  insolent  Sachem,  Canon- 
chet, as  also  Quinapin,  the  brother-in-law  of  Philip,  had  said, 
4  We  will  fight  it  out  to  the  last,  rather  than  be  servants  to 
the  English.'  "  1 

Mr.  Hubbard  says  that,  "  January  27,  immediately  after 
the  great  thaw  which  enabled  the  Indians  to  come  at  ground- 
nuts for  sustenance  on  the  journey,  they  left  the  Narragansett 
country  and  hastened  to  the  Nipmucks."  They  craved  con- 
tinued existence,  and  needed  sympathy.  Where  else  could 
they  go  ?  2 

A  final  act  in  this  drama  we  must  not  forget  to  mention  ; 
it  involved  the  execution  of  a  white  man.  Major  Bradford 
relates  it  thus :  "  January  18,  we  executed  Joshua  Taft  who 
had  married  an  Indian  woman.  A  sad  wretch  he  was,  who 
had  never  heard  a  sermon  but  once  in  fourteen  years."  3 

1  Mr.  Hubbard  further  says,  "  Another  messenger  came  from  Canonchet,  de- 
siring one  month  to  negotiate.  This  so  provoked  the  commander  of  our  forces, 
that  he  determined  to  have  no  more  treaties." 

2  It  was  alleged  that  "  a  party  of  these  retreating  Indians,  took  with  them 
from  Warwick,  fifteen  horses,  fifty  head  of  meat-cattle,  and  two  hundred  sheep." 

8  It  is  said  by  Hubbard  that,  "  Mr.  Roger  Williams  was  present  at  the  ex- 
amination of  Taft,  and  did  not  think  him  such  a  character  as  had  been  repre- 
sented." 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Naeeagansetts  having  left,  Massachusetts  troops  re- 
turned to  Boston.  The  colonies  were  in  constant  alarm,  for  a 
general  junction  and  confederacy  of  Indians  was  expected. 
Their  cruel  and  persistent  persecution  and  threatened  exter- 
mination had  driven  the  Indians  out  to  become  a  severe  trial 
to  other  parts.     Fearfully  troublous  times  were  at  hand. 

A  few  days  after  the  exodus  of  Narragansetts,  five  hundred 
Indians  fell  on  Lancaster,  plundering  and  burning,  and  kill- 
ing or  capturing  its  inhabitants.  It  was  conjectured  that 
during  these  outrages  Metacomet  was  present  and  in  com- 
mand. Much  mischief  was  done,  about  this  time,  in  the 
towns  of  Sudbury  and  Marlborough.  Indians  fell,  February 
21,  on  Medfield,  and,  notwithstanding  the  presence  in  town  of 
three  hundred  soldiers,  half  the  town  was  burned.  Garrisons 
gave  partial  protection  to  the  people,  but  houses  deserted  were 
all  burned,  and  of  the  eight  or  nine  soldiers  in  the  garrison 
only  one  escaped  ;  the  men  were  slain,  and  about  twenty 
women  and  children  were  carried  captive.1 

The  Indians  took  a  hurried  departure  from  the  vicinity, 
wending  their  way  towards  Plymouth  Colony.  On  the  25th 
they  burned  houses  in  Weymouth.2 

Early  in  March,  General  Winslow  engaged  Mr.  Church  to 
accompany  him,  and  undertook  an  expedition  to  the  country 
of  the  Nipmucks.     "  Coming  to  a  settlement 3  where   were 

1  One  of  the  captured  was  Rev.  Mr.  Rowlandson.  The  assault  on  Sudbury 
was  made  April  18.  Hubbard  says,  "  Seventeen  or  eighteen  inhabitants  were 
killed." 

2  This  was  the  nearest  approach  to  Boston.  Yet,  two  days  previous,  on  fast 
day,  the  congregation  assembled  in  the  meeting-house  of  the  "first  church,"  were 
alarmed  by  reports  that  the  Indians  were  within  ten  miles. 

8  Probably  Pumham's  town. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  121 

numerous  wigwams  in  sight,  but  an  icy  swamp  prevented  near 
approach,  there  was  firing  on  both  sides.  The  Indians  fled. 
A  friendly  Mohegan  belonging  to  Winslow's  forces,  pursued 
and  captured  one  wounded  man  who  proved  to  be  a  Netop.1 
This  prisoner,  being  brought  before  General  Winslow,  un- 
derwent a  rigid  examination,  and  some  were  for  putting  him 
to  torture  to  obtain  ample  confession  of  all  he  knew,  whether 
concerning  his  own  people,  or  Nipmucks,  or  Indians  in  gen- 
eral. Nothing  could  be  elicited,  and  it  was,  therefore,  de- 
cided that  he  be  knocked  on  the  head.  His  head  was,  ac- 
cordingly, carried  to  camp. 

Metacomet  was  supposed  to  be  at  this  time  transiently  res- 
ident at  Scaghticoke  ; 2  but,  being  unfortunate  in  his  neigh- 
bors, the  trials  to  which  he  was  there  exposed  induced  re- 
moval,3 and  he  was  next  found  located  temporarily  near  the 
Falls  of  the  Connecticut.  He  had  there,  with  a  large  com- 
pany, taken  a  stand  to  obtain  fish.  Denied  all  opportunity 
elsewhere  of  providing  for  the  wants  of  himself  and  people, 
he  aimed  to  obtain  an  adequate  supply  of  food  from  these 
waters.4 

Prisoners  held  by  Indians  contriving  to  escape,  news  of  Met- 
acomet's  locality  transpired.  Captain  Turner,  with  one  hun- 
dred and  sixty  men  from  Hadley,  Hatfield,  and  Northampton, 
pounced  upon  him  May  18,  whilst  he  and  his  Indians  were,  at 
day-break,  entirely  unsuspicious  of  danger,  and,  without  senti- 
nels, were  fast  asleep  in  their  wigwams.  Turner's  men  dis- 
charged a  volley  before  the  Indians  could  awake.  The  assail- 
ants supposed  they  had  effectually  "  done  the  work."  5     The 

1  The  Netops  were  a  small  body  among  Sugkonates,  which  had  found  its  way, 
in  the  general  dispersion,  to  this  place. 

2  "  The  Scaghticoke,  or  River  Indians,  were,  in  the  time  of  Philip's  War,  fugi- 
tives from  New  England." 

3  Mohawks  were  for  some  reason  unfriendly  to  the  great  Wampanoag  chief- 
tain. It  has  been  charged  upon  Metacomet  that,  "  despairing  of  extirpating  his 
enemies  by  the  strength  of  Indians  of  New  England,  he  resorted  to  Mohawks 
who,  making  a  descent  upon  him,  killed  some  of  his  men."  The  Mohawks  were 
part  of  the  powerful  Five  Nations,  who,  in  1713,  joined  by  Tuscaroras,  were 
finally,  collectively,  the  Six  Nations. 

4  Mather  ought  to  be  good  authority ;  but  stories  of  Metacomet's  doings, 
"  perfidies,"  etc.,  which  we  find  often  given  with  the  prefix  "  We  hear,"  Mr. 
Judd,  the  historian  of  Hadley,  tells  us  "  do  not  deserve  credit." 

5  Historians  tell  us  that  the  Indians  thus  surprised,  "  arose  half -awake,  and 


122  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

Indians,  however,  soon  rallied  and  fell  on  the  rear  of  their 
enemy.     Turner  and  thirty-eight  of  his  men  were  killed. 

Metacomet  got  over  the  river,  and  met  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Wachusett  remnants  of  Narragansetts  and  Nipmucks 
who,  coming  together  in  one  body,  were  numerous.1  Mr. 
Church  boasts  of  "  success  in  killing  many  of  the  enemy,  un- 
til at  last,  provisions  failing  us,  our  soldiers  returned  home." 

Notwithstanding  the  discomfort  inflicted  upon  Metacomet 
and  his  allies,  these  were  troublous  times  for  the  colonies. 
Early  in  March  Indians  seemed  to  be  everywhere.  It  was, 
however,  believed,  that  their  main  body  now  made  rendezvous 
in  the  woods  between  Brookfield  and  Marlborough,  and  at 
certain  points  on  the  Connecticut  River.  Places  widely  re- 
mote were  attacked  at  almost  the  same  moment :  Groton  and 
Plymouth,  Marlborough  and  Warwick,  Springfield  and  Prov- 
idence, Northampton  and  Sudbury,  Andover,  Chelmsford, 
etc.  It  was  early  in  March  when  Groton  was  assaulted.  The 
date  of  the  catastrophe  at  Plymouth  was  March  12  ;  the  time 
of  the  trouble  at  Warwick  was  March  16  ;  the  day  of  the 
severe  calamity  which  befell  Marlborough,  when  Captain 
Pierce  commanding  fifty  English  and  twenty  friendly  Indians 
was  drawn  into  ambush  and  nearly  all  his  company  killed.2 
Two  days  after,  March  18,  many  houses  were  burned  in  Re- 
hoboth ;  and  next  day,  many  in  Providence. 

To  the  preceding  and  other  sadly  disastrous  Indian  raids, 
we  may,  it  is  true,  offset  some  successes.  Forty  or  fifty 
persons  in  Marlborough  and  Sudbury  went,  March  27,  to 
search  for  Indians,  and  at  night  came  upon  nearly  three 
hundred  sleeping  around  fires.  The  finders  either  killed  or 
wounded  thirty.  Captain  Dennison,  with  sixty  volunteers 
and  a  few  friendly  Indians,  in  April,  took  forty-four  prison- 
terrified  and  half  naked,  ran  crying  '  Mohawks,  Mohawks  ! <  Some  ran  directly 
into  the  river,  and  some  hasted  to  their  canoes,  but  in  their  excitement  omitted 
taking  paddles  and  were  precipitated  over  the  Falls  and  drowned." 

1  Metacomet  was  "  supposed  to  have  lost  by  the  surprise,  at  least  three  hun- 
dred of  his  people."  The  loss  was  probably  overestimated.  Mr.  Drake  remarks, 
"  There  was  great  propensity  to  exaggerate  the  numbers  of  the  enemy." 

2  Captain  Pierce  was  from  Scituate.  His  Indians  were  from  Cape  Cod.  Al- 
though Indians  from  that  locality  were  the  first  to  encounter  ungenerous  treat- 
ment from  Pilgrim  adventurers,  the  Cape  Indians  were  always  considerately  kind 
so  far  as  white  men  allowed  them  to  be.    They  were  never  hostile  of  choice. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  123 

ers,  and  be  fore  tlie  end  of  the  month  had  killed  or  taken 
sixty-seven  others.  These  exploits  were  without  loss  to  the 
English. 

Disastrous  events,  and  some  of  them  of  peculiar  sadness, 
were,  however,  at  hand.  The  Wamesits 1  fell  on  Chelmsford, 
Haverhill,  Concord,  Woburn,  Bradford,  and  Andover,  and  on 
the  17th,  destroyed  all  the  houses  yet  remaining  in  Marl- 
borough. The  next  day  they  furiously  attacked  Sudbury, 
burning  houses  and  killing  inhabitants  in  revenge  of  the  at- 
tack made  on  the  27th  by  Dennison.  Captain  Wadsworth 
and  fifty  men  who  had  come  from  Boston  to  relieve  Marl- 
borough, were  cut  down.2 

The  disastrous  news  reaching  Plymouth,  it  was  feared  that 
Indians  would  return  to  the  Old  Colony,  to  visit  it  with  in- 
creased numbers.  A  council  of  war  was,  therefore,  called, 
and  Mr.  Church  was  invited  to  attend.  He  proposed  that 
inasmuch  as  the  Indians  would  naturally  fall  on  towns  most 
exposed,  a  company  of  sixty  or  seventy  soldiers  be  sent  to 
Rehoboth  to  watch  Indian  movements.  Of  such  company  Mr. 
Church  was  requested  to  take  command.  He  consented,  on 
condition  that  not  less  than  three  hundred  be  raised.     He  ad- 

1  Wamesit  was  near  Chelmsford,  on  the  Merrimac.  Mr.  Drake  candidly  tells 
of  the  fiendish  act  of  white  men,  who,  at  both  Chelmsford  and  Woburn,  fired 
wantonly  on  friendly  Indians,  the  only  excuse  they  offered  being,  that  those 
Indians  were  suspected  of  having  burned  a  barn  and  a  stack.  Mr.  Hubbard  well 
remarks,  "  By  such  wanton  acts  the  Indians  are  turned  to  be  our  enemies." 

2  Captain  Wadsworth  was  of  Milton.  After  leaving  Boston  and  marching 
twenty-five  miles,  Captain  Wadsworth  obtained  information  that  the  enemy  had 
gone  to  Sudbury.  Coming  near  he  discovered  and  pursued  a  party  of  Indians, 
and,  with  no  chance  to  escape,  became  surrounded  in  woods  by  more  than  five 
hundred.  Resolved  to  fight  to  the  last,  he  reached  an  eminence  and  bravely  de- 
fended it  until  night,  when  his  forces  were  scattered  and  nearly  every  one  was 
destroyed. 

Neither  Mather  nor  others  were  able  to  ignore  all  fiendish  acts  of  white  bar- 
barians. It  is  reported  that  "  besides  a  man  killed  at  Bradford,  his  wife  and  five 
children  were  carried  away  captive.  These  captives  were  afterwards  restored  by 
their  captors;  but  the  Indians  who  brought  them  were  at  once  thrown  into  •- 
prison !  The  compassionate  restorers  of  the  captured  family,  regarded  the  un- 
grateful act  of  the  white  men  as  premonitory,  and,  therefore,  escaped  and  fled  to 
the  Eastern  Indians."  Mr.  Drake  intimates  that  "the  massacre  of  August  11,  * 
following  this  perfidious  act,  was  in  resentment,  and  led  by  one  or  more  of  the 
Indians  who  had  for  their  kindness  been  seized  and  incarcerated. 


124  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

vised  that  the  Plymouth  Government  propose  to  Massachu- 
setts to  send  their  full  quota.1 

It  may,  by  this  time,  be  perceived  by  the  reader,  that  Mr. 
Church  was  not  always  duly  honored  for  the  service  he  ren- 
dered. Mr.  Church  was  on  his  way  to  Taunton,  May  9, 
where  he  met  Captain  Pierce  on  his  way  to  the  Narragansetts. 
Captain  Pierce  had  a  company  of  sixty-three  English,  and 
twenty  friendly  Indians,  and  offered  to  Church  a  squad  of 
soldiers  to  guard  him,  a  courtesy  which  was  declined.  Mr. 
Church  arrived  at  the  destination  of  himself  and  family  in 
due  time,  March  11.  He  had  scarcely  seated  himself  in  Mr. 
Almy's  house  in  Rehoboth,  when  news  came  that  Clark's 
Garrison  in  Plymouth  had  been  attacked  and  destroyed,  and 
eleven  persons,  embracing  two  families,  were  killed.2 

Captain  Pierce  had  heard  that  the  enemy  were  gathering 
in  Pawtucket.  Soon  after  crossing  the  river  he  was  encir- 
cled by  an  overwhelming  force.  Retreating  to  prevent  an 
encounter,  the  enemy  also  crossed,  compelling  him  to  contend 
against  triple  numbers.  Some  accounts  have  it  that  every 
Englishman  was  slain.     In  this  fight  Canonchet  commanded. 

Before  the  close  of  April,  nineteen  houses  and  barns  were 
burned  in  Scituate.  Seventeen  houses  and  barns  were  burned 
in  Bridgewater,  May  8.  Sixteen  houses  and  barns  were 
burned  in  Plymouth,  May  11,  and  two  days  later,  nine 
others  were  burned.  That  same  day  all  the  houses  that  re- 
mained in  Middleborough  were  burned. 

"  These  were,"  the  chronicles  say,  "  the  most  distressing 
days  that  New  England  has  ever  known.  Town  after  town 
fell  a  sacrifice  to  the  fury  of  Indians.  All  was  fear  and  con- 
sternation." 

Accounts  thought  to  be  reliable  have  it,  "  six  hundred  of 

1  Mr.  Church  freely  expressed  his  views  of  the  proffered  command  :  "  Should 
I  accept  command,  I  will  not  be  idle  in  any  place,  but  will  take  my  forces  to  the 
woods  as  do  the  enemy.  It  is  inexpedient  to  move  with  a  small  force."  The 
council  pleaded  that  the  colonies  were  much  in  debt. 

Mr.  Church's  family  being  now  in  Duxbury,  he  resolved  on  going  to  Rhode 
Island,  and  to  visit  Plymouth  simply  to  bid  good-by  to  his  wife's  relatives  who 
feelingly  joined  in  protesting  the  dangers  of  a  Rhode  Island  residence.  They 
would  have  persuaded  him  to  leave  his  family  at  Clark's  Garrison. 

2  Of  the  two  hundred  Indians  who,  after  this,  voluntarily  came  into  Plymouth 
and  surrendered  themselves  as  prisoners  of  war,  several  were  executed. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  125 

the  very  flower  of  the  country  fell."  It  was  chronicled, 
"  There  were  few  families  not  in  mourning  for  some  near  kin- 
dred ;  "  "  the  war  involved  a  loss  of  property  to  the  amount 
of  millions."  The  fact  undoubted  was,  that  "  from  the  day 
of  the  massacre  in  the  Narragansett  country,  an  event  which 
made  Indians  desperately  determined,  there  was  felt  to  be  no 
security." 


CHAPTER  XXL 

The  Indians'  military  vigor  and  courage  seemed  to  abate. 
They  were  not  only  often  in  distress  by  want  of  food,  but 
they  found  it  difficult  to  procure  ammunition. 

Metacomet  was  sagacious,  brave,  and  resolute.  Still,  the 
fates  were  against  him.  Without  arsenal  or  stores,  impelled 
to  war,  yet  hunted  from  place  to  place,  a  price  set  upon  his 
head,  his  scanty  provisions,  once  abundant,  but  now  wasted, 
or  lost,  in  rapid  changes  from  one  position  to  another,  so  that 
he  is  often  obliged  to  subsist  on  berries,  acorns,  or  anything  to 
sustain  life,  and,  if  at  any  time  so  fortunate  as  to  procure  the 
luxury  of  a  momentary  supply  of  horse-flesh,  not  daring  to 
kindle  a  fire  to  cook  it,  lest  blaze  or  smoke  betray  the  place, 
—  this  manner  of  life,  together  with  constant  anxiety  and  pro- 
tracted exertion,  so  different  from  former  simple  habits,  was 
diminishing  the  ranks  of  Indians  more  surely  than  could  ball 
or  bayonet. 

Metacomet  was  now  supposed  to  have  crossed  the  Connecti- 
cut, joining  the  remnants  of  Narragansetts  and  Nipmucks 
gathered  in  that  vicinity.  Indians  had  found  themselves  ne- 
cessitated to  provide  for  both  the  present  and  future,  and  had 
separated  themselves  in  parties  remote  from  their  former 
haunts,  hoping  to  enjoy  immunity  in  peaceful  cultivation  of 
the  earth.  The  English  had  so  frequently  beaten  up  their 
quarters,  that,  though  they  might  plant,  they  could  rarely 
reap  the  fruits  of  their  toil.  Indian  encampments  were  pretty 
sure  to  be  ferreted  out  and  broken  up,  whether  on  the  sea- 
board, or  in  the  interior. 

When,  about  the  middle  of  May,  1676,  Mr.  Church  took 
passage  on  board  a  sloop  bound  to  Barnstable  and  landed  at 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  127 

Wood's  Hole,1  alias  Succonessit,  where  a  clan  of  Indians  re- 
sided, ordinary  travel  between  Plymouth  and  Rhode  Island 
had  ceased.  No  person  could  pass  without  danger  except  by 
circuitous  route.  Mr.  Church's  knowledge  of  the  country  en- 
abled him  to  reach  Plymouth  at  an  early  day,  June  8,  whilst 
the  General  Court  was  in  session. 

Mr.  Church  was  cordially  welcomed.  All  said,  "  We  are 
glad  to  see  you  alive."  Mr.  Church  facetiously  responded, 
"  I  am  glad  to  see  you  alive.  Much  smoke  and  many  fires 
on  your  side  of  the  country  have  so  awakened  solicitude,  that 
I  could  hardly  sleep.  I  greatly  feared  you  either  were  or 
would  be  destroyed." 

The  Court  listened  with  concern,  to  tidings  of  desolations  at 
Providence,  Pawtucket,  Rehoboth,  Swansey,  and  those  parts, 
and  wished  Mr.  Church  to  inform  them  what  protection,  for 
future  time,  was  contemplated.  That  was  a  difficult  and 
serious  question  to  answer.  Indians  generally  had  become 
incensed ;  they  were  everywhere  increasingly  hostile.  Al- 
though the  Indians  of  Rhode  Island  had  been  the  last  to  be 
suspected  of  unfriendliness,  it  was  now  evident  that  the  burn- 
ings at  Providence,  March  30,  indicated  considerable  enmity. 
When  the  venerable  Roger  Williams,  for  whom  all  Indians 
entertained  profound  respect,  came  forth  from  garrison  and, 
infirm  as  he  was,  conceived  the  thought  of  conciliating  the  In- 
dians, as  formerly,  aged  Indians  earnestly  warned  him,  say- 
ing, "  They  who  have  known  you  will  do  you  no  harm,  but 
we  cannot  vouch  for  our  young  men."  2 

Mr.  Church  regretted  finding  the  Court  "  sorely  perplexed 

1  We  adhere  to  the  name  as  it  appears  on  record.  The  fancy  of  some  one  has, 
within  a  short  time  given  it  as  Holl.  There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  appropriate- 
ness of  the  original  name,  which  indicated  a  harbor  whose  natural  excavation  or 
cavity  and  genial  surroundings  afford,  like  Holmes  Hole  and  other  places,  safe 
anchorage  where  vessels  may  ride  ordinarily  with  sufficient  depth  of  water. 

Indians  on  Cape  Cod,  supposed  to  be  in  subjection  to  Massasoit  and  his  chiefs, 
were  never  persuaded  to  act  against  the  colonists ;  the  Manomets,  occupying  the 
neck  of  the  peninsula,  were  solicited  in  vain.  Their  peaceful  demeanor  was  a 
firm  defence  to  the  Cape  towns.  The  several  Sachemdoms  on  the  Cape  embraced 
among  others  the  Massapees  whose  Chief,  Paupmunuck,  sold  lands  to  the  people 
of  Barnstable  and  Sandwich,  and  were  all  friendly. 

2  "  Multitudes  of  Indians  were  in  full  view  on  the  surrounding  highlands. 
Mr.  Williams,  now  aged  and  decrepid,  retraced  his  steps  quickly  as  his  cane 
would  enable  him." 


128  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

by  debt  for  which  the  government  had  been  obliged  to  assign 
lands  at  Showamet,  Assonet,  Asawompset,  Agawam,  and 
Sippecan,  to  compensate  the  soldiery."  The  "  Council  of 
War  had  also  been  obliged  to  assess  .£1,000,  on  eleven  towns, 
and  had  ordered  a  draft  of  three  hundred  men."  Mr.  Church 
was,  however,  gratified,  when  the  Council  finally  "  resolved 
to  send  out  on  the  morrow  an  army  of  two  hundred  men."  2 
The  government  desired  Mr.  Church  to  muster  as  many  as 
practicable  of  the  men  who  had  been  driven  from  Dartmouth, 
Swansey,  and  other  places.2 

Mr.  Church  returning  the  same  route  by  which  he  came, 
hired  at  Wood's  Hole,  Suckanesit  Indians  to  paddle  a  canoe 
for  his  conveyance  to  Rhode  Island,  via  the  Elizabeth  Island 
group.  On  the  way,  Mr.  Church  observed,  in  passing  a 
point,  many  Indians  fishing.  Assaying  to  confer  with  them  he 
discovered  one  to  be  a  former  acquaintance,  namely,  George, 
who  was  a  subject  of  Awashonks,  and  greatly  pleased  to 
see  Mr.  Church.  George  said,  "  the  Queen  Sachem  was  in  a 
swamp  near  by,  and  would  be  delighted  to  meet  her  old  friend. 
She  was  weary  of  war,  and  no  longer  disposed  to  favor  Met- 
acomet." 

This  conversation  led  the  way  to  a  conference  that  proved 
greatly  satisfactory,  though  Mr.  Church's  friends  were  appre- 
hensive that  a  trap  was  laid  to  destroy  him.  After  going  to 
Newport,  Mr.  Church  repaired  with  an  interpreter  to  the 
place  assigned  by  Awashonks.3  As  they  approached  in  their 
canoe,  they  saw  very  many  Indians,  all  sitting  on  the  banks, 
as  if  in  expectation,  and  when  Mr.  Church  and  his  interpre- 
ter came  near,  a  great  company  arose  out  of  the  grass,  hair 
trimmed  and  faces  painted  as  if  for  war. 

Mr.  Church  greeted  the  Queen.     Awashonks  rejoined  to 

1  These  were  to  be  two  thirds  English,  the  others  to  be  friendly  Indians.  The 
colonies  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  were  also  to  add  their  respective 
quotas. 

2  These  men  had  availed  of  "  Plantation  Kesolves, "  namely,  "  Finding  our 
colony  not  of  ability  to  maintain  sufficient  garrisons,  we  judge  it  safe  for  inhab- 
itants to  repair  to  the  islands,  etc." 

8  The  place  of  conference  was  an  occasional  resort  of  Awashonks  near  by 
which  was,  as  Dexter  informs  us,  an  ancient  burial-place.  The  Queen  had  en- 
gaged to  meet  Mr.  Church,  attended  by  her  son  Peter,  who  was  her  chief  captain, 
and  also  by  Nompash,  a  noted  warrior. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  129 

Mr.  "-Church's  salutation  of  "  Your  Majesty,"  and  said,  "  I 
have  long  desired  to  see  you  and  know  why  you  did  not  keep 
your  promise  to  come  again  to  Sugkonate.  Had  you  done  so 
I  would  not  have  gone  to  Wachusett."  2  Mr.  Church  apolo- 
gized by  saying  he  "  was  prevented  by  the  war  breaking  out 
so  suddenly  ;  attempting  to  redeem  the  promise,  I  could  get  no 
further  than  Punkatees."  The  last  word  caused  immediate 
sensation  2  inducing  the  suggestion,  "  It  is  usual  on  such  occa- 
sions as  this,  for  parties  to  lay  aside  their  arms."  Awashonks, 
with  dignity,  nodded  assent,  and  inquired  of  Mr.  Church  what 
particular  arrangement  he  proposed.  On  learning  his  wish 
that  all  hostile  weapons  be  deposited  some  distance  off,  her 
look  was  at  once  sufficient  intimation  to  her  followers,  and,  as 
if  by  general  consent,  arms  were  laid  aside. 

Now,  the  threatened  tumult  quelled,  Awashonks  signified 
readiness  to  "  talk  of  peace."  Mr.  Church  asked,  "  On  what 
terms  will  your  people  break  off  from  their  league  with  Meta- 
comet  ?  "  A  solemn  debate,  earnest  and  exciting,  now  en- 
sued. 

The  whole  interview  was,  according  to  Church's  account  of 
it,  very  characteristic.  Sugkonates  professed  willingness  to  be 
allies  of  the  Plymouth  Colony,  "  provided  the  Plymouth  Gov- 
ernment will  promise  that  the  life  of  every  Indian  man, 
woman,  and  child,  shall  be  spared,  and  none  shall  ever  be 
sold  as  slaves,  or  transported  from  their  native  soil." 

Mr.  Church,  in  behalf  of  the  Government,  acceded  to  these 
conditions,  and  expressed  "  great  satisfaction  at  the  prospect 
of  the  Sugkonate's  return  to  old  friendship."  And,  all  mat- 
ters being  amicably  adjusted,  the  Chief-captain  addressed 
Mr.  Church  and  proffered  himself  and  men.  Indians  present, 
generally  expressed  consent.  Mr.  Church  labored  "  to  assure 
the  Indians  that  they  would  find  English  people  true  friends." 

It  is  due  to  the  Sugkonates  to  say  that  in  adhesion  to  the 

1  Whether  Awashonks  had  been,  with  Metacomet  and  other  allies,  to  Wachu- 
sett, or  otherwise,  the  interpolation  was  severe. 

8  An  interpreter  informed  Mr.  Church  that  the  remark  of  the  perturbed  and 
almost  infuriate  Indian  was,  "  That  man  "  (pointing  to  Church)  "  killed  my 
brother  at  Punkatees."  It  was  this  remark  that  caused  the  murmur  in  the  crowd. 
Peter,  commanding  silence,  told  the  multitude  they  "  must  forbear  to  talk  of  the 
past."    At  his  command,  Indians  resumed  their  seats. 


130  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

English  they  always  acted  in  good  faith ;  all  expectations 
raised  by  them  were  faithfully  fulfilled.  It  was  the  testimony 
of  both  Mr.  Church,  and  of  his  biographer  in  1716,  "  The 
friendship  of  the  Sugkonates  is  maintained."  It  was  severe 
to  require  them  to  relinquish  friendship  for  their  ancient  ally 
and  kinsmen.     A  neutrality  should  have  been  sufficient. 

It  is  said  that  when  Metacomet  received  intelligence  of  the 
defection  of  Awashonks  and  her  people,  he  was  greatly 
shocked,  and  from  that  hour  was  never  known  to  smile.  It 
was  cruel  that  his  former  allies  must,  to  save  themselves, 
countenance  the  destruction  of  their  great  and  honored 
chief.     . 

At  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  Church,  Sugkonates  agreed  to 
send  a  delegation  to  Plymouth,  to  ratify  a  treaty.  Such  was, 
ostensibly,  the  object.  Of  the  delegates  were  prominent, 
Peter,  George,  and  David,  alias  Chowahanna.1 

Mr.  Church  thinking  there  would  be  risk  attending  an 
attempt  to  reach  Plymouth  by  the  usual  route  through  the 
woods,  decided  it  better  for  the  delegation  to  go  by  water, 
via  Sandwich.  Various  obstacles  interposed,  and  the  route 
through  the  woods  was  finally  taken  ;  and  the  delegates  pre- 
sented themselves  in  good  time  before  the  council  of  war. 

At  the  same  hour  an  express  came  from  Major  Bradford 
announcing  the  arrival  of  the  army  at  Pocasset.  The  Sugko- 
nates composing  the  delegation  to  Plymouth  having  departed, 
Mr.  Church,  by  the  guidance  of  a  captured  Indian  whose 
mother  the  Indian  reported  to  be  with  a  companion,  in  a 
swamp  above  Nomquid,  took  possession  of  said  prisoner's 
mother  and  companion.  The  next  day,  Mr.  Church,  march- 
ing with  the  army  back  to  Pocasset,  obtained  information  that 
a  large  company  of  Indians  were  on  a  bivouac  at  Wepoiset, 
in  search  of  clams.  Other  provisions  failing,  a  party  of  more 
than  three  hundred,  including  Sugkonates,  Mount  Hopes, 
Narragansetts,  and  Up  Country  Indians,  had  congregated, 
and  were  expecting  Metacomet  to  join  them. 

1  It  may  here  be  noted  that  the  husband  of  Awashonks,  the  Pocasset  Queen, 
was  Petanumuet,  Anglicized  Peter  Nunnuet.  Her  own  name  had  also  an  alias, 
namely,  Weetamoe.  The  great  warrior,  Nompash,  was  at  a  later  date  elected 
at  Plymouth  to  have  oversight  of  Indians  at  Sippecan. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  131 

For  some  reason,  Major  Bradford  evinced  no  inclination 
to  order  a  descent  on  these  Indians,  but  preferred  going  to 
Mount  Hope,  saying,  "  Orders  must  be  obeyed."  The  fires 
at  Wepoiset  were  noticed  by  troops  in  successive  boats,  ar- 
riving from  the  Island,  and  who  generally  supposed  them- 
selves ordered  to  Wepoiset.  On  reaching  the  north  of  the 
island,  they  were  surprised  by  the  command  "  Bear  away." 
Mr.  Church  was  chagrined,  believing  that  "  by  the  diversion 
a  grand  opportunity  was  lost." 

Mr.  Church's  thoughts  were  now  turned  another  way,  and 
obtaining  consent  of  Major  Bradford,  he  went  to  meet  the 
Sugkonates.  Departing  for  Sandwich  July  6,  he  reported 
the  next  morning  at  Plymouth,  where,  in  an  interview  with 
the  Governor  in  presence  of  Treasurer  Southworth,  he  gave 
a  full  account  of  all  that  had  occurred  between  himself  and 
Sugkonates.  The  Governor  was  pleased ;  and  Church  was 
gratified  by  finding  that  all  he  had  promised  Awashonks  was 
approved.  He  was,  however,  disappointed  that  nothing  could 
be  learned  at  Plymouth,  of  the  arrival  of  the  Indians  ordered 
by  Major  Bradford  to  Sandwich ;  and  that  Major  Bradford 
had  failed  to  advise  the  Government  of  the  disposition  made 
of  them. 

Mr.  Church  frankly  told  the  Governor  what  encouragement 
he  had  given  to  Awashonks  ;  nor  did  he  omit  "  the  fact  that 
he  had  promised  to  endeavor  to  get  from  his  Excellency  a 
commission  to  lead  her  people  in  an  effort  to  head-off  Meta- 
comet."  The  Governor  smiled  at  Mr.  Church's  modest  hint, 
and  replied,  "  You  shall  neither  lack  a  commission  nor  soldiers 
to  constitute,  without  Sugkonates,  a  good  army." 

Transactions  between  Mr.  Church  and  Awashonks  having 
been  frankly  and  fully  communicated,  the  Governor  directed 
Mr.  Church  to  hasten  back  to  the  Queen  with  a  message. 
Going  forthwith,  Mr.  Church  advised  her  to  call  in  her  people 
and  direct  them  to  keep  together.  He  promised  to  call  again 
with  further  orders  on  the  morrow.  Awashonks  was  startled. 
The  present  posture  of  affairs  was  entirely  different  from 
what  she  had  expected.  She  promised  to  comply  as  far  as 
possible ;  but  thought  it  would  be  difficult  to  assemble  her 
people  on  so  short  notice. 


132  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

Mr.  Church  now  returned  to  the  Island,  and  thence  to  the 
army  which,  the  next  morning,  marched  upon  Sugkonate. 
Mr.  Church  was,  with  an  escort,  sent  to  order  Awashonks 
and  her  people  to  the  English  camp.  She  immediately  began 
her  preparations,  and,  with  her  tribe  generally,  was  next  day 
at  camp. 


CHAPTER  XXII.     * 

About  thirty  of  the  Sugkonates,  who  accompanied  the 
delegation  to  Plymouth,  had  already  tendered  to  the  Council 
a  renewal  of  peace,  and  promised  to  sit  down  in  quietness  on 
their  lands.  When  upbraided  for  having  joined  Metacomet, 
their  reply  was,  "  We  cannot  make  satisfaction  for  this,  other 
than  by  fighting  against  your  enemy.  That  we  promise  to 
do,  if  our  women  and  children  can  be  secure."  1 

The  Council  had  proposed  retaining  Peter  as  hostage.  To 
this  he  consented.  But  finally  it  was  ordered  that  Peter  go 
back  and  convey  consent  of  Council  that  "  as  many  as  Major 
Bradford  desires  may  join  the  army."  Other  Sugkonates 
"  must  give  up  their  arms,  and  all  who  have  shed  English 
blood  must  be  surrendered.  No  Sugkonates  shall  harbor 
enemies  of  the  colony.  On  these  conditions  a  place  may  be 
assigned  for  present  quarters  of  Sugkonates." 

The  army,  in  its  march,  falling  in  with  a  Pocasset  Indian, 
obtained  from  him  what  they  conceived  to  be  important  in- 
formation.3 Mr.  Church  now  tendered  to  Major  Bradford 
his  personal  services,  on  condition  that  Sugkonates  be  ac- 
cepted, agreeably  with  previous  understanding.  But  Mr. 
Church  was  peremptorily  advised  by  Major  Bradford  that 
"instructions  had  been  given  to  accept  Mr.  Church  if  he 
please  to  serve,  but  not  to  accept  the  Indians." 

Immediately  after  this  interview  Major  Bradford  issued 
orders  for  Awashonks  and  her  subjects  to  repair  to  Sand- 

1  Such  was  the  reply  of  Chowahanna. 

2  This  Indian  said  he  had  just  come  from  Pocasset  with  his  mother  and  several 
others  who  were  now  concealed  in  a  swamp  just  above  Nomquid.  He  had  just 
slaughtered  a  cow,  and  had  a  quarter  on  his  shoulder  and  the  tongue  in  his 
pocket.  Continuing  on  towards  Sugkonate,  other  Indiana  were  seen  skulking  as 
if  in  fear. 


134  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

wich,  and  be  there  within  six  days.  Mr.  Church  was  awak- 
ened by  the  chiefs  of  the  Squaw-Sachem  expressing  concern 
and  mortification  at  this  result  of  the  confidence  reposed  in 
the  English.  Mr.  Church  could  do  nothing  to  pacify  or  con- 
sole them,  other  than  advise,  "  It  is  best  to  obey  orders ; " 
and  to  promise,  "  If  permitted  I  will  meet  you  in  Sandwich."  1 
Mr.  Church  added,  ■«  I  feel  confident  that  the  Governor  will 
commission  me  to  aid  you." 

Mr.  Church  was  forcibly  impressed  that  Major  Bradford 
had  made  the  unwelcome  requisition  on  the  Sugkonates,  with* 
out  authority.  Major  Bradford,  diligent  in  hastening  their 
departure,  had  put  them  in  care  of  one  Jack  Havens,  a  pro- 
cedure humiliating  to  Indian  pride,  and  seeming  to  be  a  poor 
return  for  the  sacrifices  and  forbearance  of  Indians,  and  the 
trust  which  they  had  reposed  in  white  people.2 

That  Mr.  Church  brought  about  the  capitulation  of  Awa- 
shonks,  cannot  be  doubted.  Mr.  Hubbard  says,  "  The  Squaw- 
Sachem  of  the  Sugkonates  and  her  people  surrendered  them- 
selves to  Major  Bradford  ;  so  about  one  hundred  and  ten  were 
killed  and  taken  by  composition  that  day."  Cotton  Mather 
says,  "  Major  Bradford  was  the  (Edipus  by  whom  this  sphinx 
was  conquered."  Such  characteristic  remarks  are  singular 
evidences  of  a  feeling  of  rivalry.  The  narratives  of  Hubbard 
and  Church  ofttimes  differ ;  and  Mather  sometimes  favors 
Hubbard's  views  with  apparent  inclination  to  disparage 
Church.  We  are  thus  led  to  doubt  the  impartiality  of  the 
narrators.  Justice  requires  us  to  say,  however,  that  Church 
never  disparages  either  civil  or  military  officials.  The  un- 
pardonable fault  of  Church  was  that  he  was  too  merciful 
and  never  heartily  acquiesced  in  vindictive  or  unnecessary 
retaliation  upon  conquered  foes. 

1  The  place  to  which  the  Indians  were  ordered  is  the  isthnms  of  the  peninsula 
of  Cape  Cod,  and  is  situated  between  Plymouth  and  "Wareham  on  the  one  side, 
and  Falmouth  and  Barnstable  on  the  other. 

2  Jack  was  a  subject  of  a  Sagamore  at  Saconet.  Subsequently,  Jack  proved 
himself  faithful  to  the  English,  as  we  learn  from  Court  record.  But,  although 
holding  a  flag  of  truce,  he  was  not  in  favor  with  either  Awashonks  or  her  people. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Always  prompt  in  pursuit  of  his  designs,  Mr.  Church, 
after  his  interview  with  the  Governor,  ventured  to  intimate 
the  time  for  fulfilling  of  his  appointment  to  meet  the  Sugko- 
nates  had  arrived,  and  that  it  was  his  wish  to  go  at  once  to 
Sandwich.  The  Governor  inquired,  "How  many  men  do 
you  wish  to  accompany  you  ?  "  The  answer  was,  "  Only  five 
or  six,  with  an  order  from  your  Excellency  to  obtain,  if  found 
necessary,  more  at  Sandwich."  Attendants  quickly  volun- 
teered, conspicuous  among  whom  were  Mr.  Nathaniel  South- 
worth  and  Mr.  Jabez  Howland.  With  a  few  other  volunteers 
Mr.  Church  proceeded  to  Sandwich. 

Great  was  the  disappointment  of  Mr.  Church  and  friends, 
when,  on  arriving  at  Sandwich,  it  was  learned  that  the  Sug- 
konates  were  not  there.  Next  morning,  refreshed  by  a  sleep, 
Mr.  Church  took  with  him  sixteen  or  eighteen  men,  and 
began  to  explore  the  shores  and  waters,  ranging  from  the 
Massapee  territory  and  ancient  Pokeeste,1  around  by  Moni- 
met  and  the  Head  of  the  Bay,2  to  Agawam.3  At  this  last 
place,  a  part  of  Mr.  Church's  company  became  discouraged, 
abandoned  pursuit,  and  returned  to  Sandwich.  Others  con- 
cluded to  keep  on.  Mr.  Howland  tired  when  the  company 
reached  Sippecan;  and  remained  there  with  a  few  others, 
"  to  form  a  reserve."     The  remaining  party  "  crossed  another 

i  The  ancient  Pokeeste  was  part  of  Sandwich.  It  was,  at  a  later  period,  pro- 
nounced Pocasset.  Its  orthoepy  is  not  such  as  to  confound  it  with  the  Pocasset 
which  was  the  chief  seat  of  the  Queen  of  the  Sugkonates. 

3  Buzzard's  Bay,  whose  entrance  has  Seconet  Point  and  Rocks  west,  and  the 
Sow-and-Pigs  off  the  southwest  end  of  Cuttahunk,  one  of  the  Elizabeth  Islands, 
on  the  east. 

8  Now  a  part  of  East  Wareham. 


136  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

river,  which  opened  to  a  great  bay."  1  From  the  mouth  of 
this  river  was  a  view  of  shores  and  extensive  flats.2  Passing 
on  thence,  Mr.  Church  and  party  heard,  in  direction  of  the 
shores  below  them  and  in  the  rear  of  the  travelled  route,  a 
confused  noise,  as  if  the  tumult  of  many  people.  Listening 
intently,  and  quickly  dismounting,  they  crept  among  thick 
underbrush  to  the  brink  of  a  bank  overlooking  the  shore. 
Great  was  their  surprise  at  beholding  a  vast  concourse  of 
Indians  of  all  ages  and  both  sexes.  Some  were  playing  at 
foot-ball ;  some  digging  for  clams,  or  picking  up  quahaugs  or 
periwinkles  ;  some  wading  and  fishing ;  all  of  that  great  mul- 
titude were  intent,  every  one  busy.  A  few  individuals,  here 
and  there,  were  simply  reclining  on  dry  sea-weed  or  among 
beach-grass,  engaged  in  conversation. 

Mr.  Church  and  party  were  agreeably  astonished,  and,  at 
first,  were  a  few  moments  held  in  mute  wonder.  Conferring, 
with  bated  breath,  they  concluded  to  hail  the  Indians.  A 
hallo  was  immediately  answered.  Calling  again,  two  noble- 
looking  young  Indians  came  riding  around  the  embankment 
at  full  speed.  Before  they  were  satisfied  that  the  call  was 
not  that  of  English  people,  they  were  amazed  by  finding 
themselves  confronting  armed  white  men.  In  the  act  of  turn- 
ing, one  Indian  who  belonged  hereabout  was  recognized  by 
an  attendant  of  Mr.  Church,  cried  "  don't  be  afraid,  I  am 
Charles  Hammond. "  The  mounted  Indians  instantly  came 
near,  speaking  English,  and  informing  Mr.  Church  that  the 
people  on  the  shores  adjoining  were  chiefly  Awashonk's  peo- 
ple under  the  escort  of  Jack  Havens. 

Jack  being  summoned,  news  of  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Church 
spread  rapidly  ;  and  many  Sugkonates,  with  animated  faces, 
came  quickly,  riding.  They  were  all  armed,  but  showed 
great  deference  to  Mr.  Church.  Jack  was  made  bearer  of 
compliments  to  Awashonks  informing  her  that  Mr.  Church, 

1  Now  called  Marion. 

2  This  river  was  probably  Mill  Creek.  The  sands  and  extensive  flats,  Mr. 
Dexter  supposes,  were  either  between  Aucoot  Cove  and  Angelica  Point,  or  be- 
tween the  latter  and  Ned's  Point  in  Mattapoisett.  Now  impossible  to  certify  the 
exact  location.  Persons  familiar  with  that  region  of  country,  tell  us  that 
"  Soon  after  passing  Mill  Creek,  there  opens  to  view  a  part  of  Charles'  Neck 
and  also  a  part  of  Great  Neck,  exposing  an  extensive  coast." 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  137 

witlr,  a  few  friends,  proposed  to  dine  with  her  in  the  evening. 
Shortly  after,  the  Queen  and  suite  presented  themselves  in 
the  distance,  and  the  shores  resounded  with  shouts  of  wild 
enthusiasm. 

Presently,  young  people  were  seen  hasting  to  and  from 
woods,  conveying  combustibles  to  the  vicinity  of  a  capacious 
shelter  that  had  been  improvised  for  the  newly  arrived 
visitors. 

The  feast  prepared  for  Mr.  Church  and  friends,  was  ere 
long  in  readiness,  and  a  grand  repast  it  seemed  to  the  half- 
famished  men  to  be.  If  our  description  of  it  be  brief  and 
unsatisfactory,  let  the  excuse  be  that  the  entertainment  was 
a  development  of  Indian  life  to  which  the  writer  is  unused. 
Presenting,  in  fact,  the  very  earliest  authentic  account  of  a 
New  England  picnic  (call  it  what  the  reader  pleases, — 
picnic  or  clam -bake),  its  menu  was  magnificent.  Though  an 
Indian  feast,  it  was,  notwithstanding  the  absence  of  dainties 
usually  at  the  command  of  civilization,  an  entertainment 
worthy  of  the  royal  hostess.  The  dinner,  served  on  wooden 
trenchers,  consisted  of  only  three  dishes,  namely,  a  bass  boiled, 
a  fine  tautog  barbecued,  and  baked  clams.1  That,  however, 
which  gave  zest  and  chief  importance  to  it  was  the  post- 
prandial. 

After  dinner,  all  Indians,  old  and  young,  gathered  near  the 
pile  of  pine  knots  and  dried  limbs. 

These  being  conflagrated,  preliminaries,  arranged  seemingly 
by  instinct,  three  circles  were  formed,  —  the  first  consisting 
of  the  Queen  and  guests  and  aged  subjects;  the  next,  of 
braves  ;  and  the  outer,  of  the  promiscuous. 

The  chief  captain's  duty  was  to  begin  the  weighty  business 
of  the  evening.  Stepping  forward,  holding  in  one  hand  a 
spear  and  in  the  other  a  hatchet,  he  danced  gayly  before  the 
fire.  Continuing  the  dance,  he  called,  one  after  another,  the 
names  of  hostile  tribes ;  and,  at  the  several  mention,  he  seized 

1  The  bill  of  fare  might,  doubtless,  had  the  hostess  ordered  and  had  time  per- 
mitted, have  been  enlarged.  Fried  flounders,  broiled  eels,  nicely  prepared  roes 
of  fishes,  oysters  and  other  shell-fish  variously  served,  choice  and  tender  ears  of 
green  corn,  and  all  accessories  for  which  women's  tact  in  culinary  preparations 
is  proverbial,  might  have  swollen  the  list,  advertising  a  feast  in  honor  of  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Plymouth  Government. 


138  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

from  the  flames  a  brand,  which  was  the  representative  of  an 
enemy,  and  fought  it  furiously  and  stamped  on  it,  until  ex- 
tinguished, and  then  turned  to  the  Queen  and  Mr.  Church 
and  bowed,  resuming  his  place  in  the  circle.  The  pantomime 
was  repeated,  each  brave  in  turn  stepping  forth,  until  all 
hostiles  had  severally  been  subdued.  After  each  successive 
scene  in  the  drama,  the  actor  stuck  his  weapons  in  the 
ground.     The  warriors  became,  in  this  way,  pledged. 

At  the  conclusion  of  ceremonies,  Awashonks  informed  Mr. 
Church  that  her  men  were  ready  for  service.1  Mr.  Church, 
with  becoming  formality,  accepted  the  proffered  aid. 

The  next  morning  Mr.  Church  drew  forth  a  competent 
number  of  these  braves,  and  proceeded  with  them  to  Plym- 
outh.2 That  same  night  he  set  out  on  his  first  expedition 
as  captain. 

Reaching  Middleboro',  Captain  Church  gained  information 
inducing  belief  that  Wampanoags  and  Narragansetts  were  in 
swamps  near  by.  The  fruitful  waters  of  Middleboro'  and  its 
game,  made  that  place  a  favorite  resort  for  Indians.  Captain 
Church's  scouts  soon  discovered  the  enemy's  fires  ;  and  their 
encampments  were  surrounded  and  captured. 

Hastening  to  Plymouth,  "  Captain  Church  disposed  of  all 
his  prisoners  except  one  Jeffrey,  who,  being  remarkably  intel- 
ligent, was  promised  exemption  from  foreign  slavery  on  con- 
dition of  his  proving  true  as  a  guide  and  informer." 

Captain  Church  now  became  urged  by  fresh  incentives. 
"  Government  proposed  and  guaranteed  to  Indian  soldiers 
one  half  of  all  prisoners  captured,  the  captain  and  English 
soldiers  to  retain  the  other  half."  Success  "  now  so  attended 
the  company  that  they  invariably  returned  from  excursions 
with  a  goodly  number  of  prisoners.  They  never  failed  to 
pick  up  at  least  a  few  straggling  Indians."  3 

It  may  be  an  act  of  justice  to  Captain  Church  to  make 

i  The  preceding  formalities  were  the  Indian  way  of  volunteering. 

2  The  Queen,  on  Mr.  Church's  departure,  presented  him  with  a  fire-lock ;  "  an 
act  which  Mr.  Church  regarded  as  a  special  civility." 

3  Rev.  Mr.  Walley  of  Barnstable,  wrote,  "July  18,  1676,  I  am  glad  of  the  suc- 
cess of  Ben.  Church.  It  is  the  good  fruit  of  Indians  coming  in ;  those  who  come 
in  are  conquered,  and  will  help  to  conquer  others." 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  139 

record  of  the  fact  that  it  has  been  claimed  for  him  that  "  his 
individual  voice  was  against  slavery."  1 

1  Captain  Church's  plan  and  its  performance  was  merciful  in  comparison  with 
previous  details.  "  Live  prisoners  "  was  now  the  inducement.  The  justice  or 
propriety  of  the  outlawry  of  Indians  is  a  thing  to  be  conjectured.  It  is  equally 
difficult  to  determine  on  what  principle  the  numerous  captives  made  slaves  were 
"  evidence  of  Heaven's  approval." 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Major  Bradford  and  the  army  being  still  at  Taunton 
and  destitute  of  provisions,  supplies  were  sent  from  Plymouth 
in  care  of  Captain  Church ;  who,  on  arriving  at  Nemasket,1 
discovered  a  company  of  Indians  and  captured  sixteen.  From 
them  he  learned  that  Tispaquin  was,  with  a  numerous  com- 
pany, encamped  at  Asawomsit.2  Apprehensive  that  these 
Indians  might  intercept  the  teams  conveying  supplies  for  the 
army,  he  hastened  to  dispatch  all  prisoners  to  Plymouth  by 
returning  teams,  taking  for  himself  another  route. 

The  supplies  sent  by  Church  were  safely  delivered.  It 
may  be  inferred  that  no  cordially  friendly  relations  subsisted 
between  Captain  Church  and  Major  Bradford.  The  com- 
pany commanded  by  Captain  Church  rested  part  of  the  night, 
but,  early  in  the  morning,  espying  Indians  afar  off  reconnoi- 
tering  tracks  made  the  previous  night  by  Captain  Church's 
horses,  he  sent  out  scouts  which,  following  Indian  tracks,  came 
into  a  small  party  of  Indians,  whom  they  captured.  The  pris- 
oners were  found  to  be  Sugkonates,  namely,  Little  Eyes,  his 
family,  and  near  kin,  who,  when  Awashonks  first  made  peace 
with  the  English,  separated  from  her.3 

Among  Captain  Church's  friendly  Indians,  was  Lightfoot,4 
one  of  the  volunteers  from  Mattapoisett,  and  cousin  to  Little 

1  Nemasket  was  near  Raynham. 

3  Tispaquin  was  a  famous  chief;  his  territory  surrounding  Lakeville  and 
lying  about  the  Great  Ponds. 

8  Because  they  were  unwilling  to  forgive  the  injuries  done  by  the  English. 

4  Lightfoot  ever  proved  himself  a  faithful  servant.  As  to  Little  Eyes,  his  feel- 
ing may  be  perceived  in  the  fact  that  when  he  and  family  were  brought  in, 
friendly  Indians  asked  Captain  Church,  "  Is  not  this  he  who  would  have  killed 
you  at  Awashonk's  dance  1 "  The  answer  of  Captain  Church  was,  "  It  is  not 
our  fashion  to  take  revenge."  The  accused  were,  however,  ordered  to  Palmer's 
Island,  for  safe  keeping. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  141 

Eyes.  Captain  Church,  directed  Lightfoot  to  accompany  the 
Sugkonates. 

Returning  to  the  river  side  and  proceeding  to  Poneganset, 
Captain  Church  and  company  crept  under  a  hedge  and 
passed  the  night,  watching  in  stillness.  At  break  of  day 
they  saw  evident  signs  of  Indians  having  been  there  the  day 
previous  ; 1  and  not  long  gone.2  Following  the  tracks,  Cap- 
tain Church  came  to  the  country-road,  where  it  was  evident 
the  Indians  had  separated,  a  part  going  in  direction  of  the 
Great  Cedar  Swamp.  "  Captain  Church  now  reminded  his 
friendly  Indians  that  the  English  people  at  Plymouth  had,  in 
derogation  of  their  efficiency,  asserted  that  Indian  soldiers  are 
worthless."  He  wished  now  "  to  give  opportunity  to  prove 
what  Indians  can  do.  As  the  track  here  divided,  Indians 
might  take  choice  of  tracks,  and  he  and  English  soldiers 
would,  in  equal  numbers,  follow  the  other  track."  Indians 
gallantly  said,  "  We  are  light  and  able  to  travel,  and  will  take 
the  west  track  because  more  difficult  and  probably  farthest.'' 

Captain  Church  and  the  English  soldiers  pursuing  the  east 
track  soon  came  where  a  company  had  entered  a  miry  swamp. 
A  whistle  was  heard  from  a  soldier  in  the  rear,  who,  with 
smothered  voice  and  pointing  towards  an  opening,  said 
"  Look  I  "  A  multitudinous  company,  chiefly  women  and 
children,  were  there  picking  berries.  Captain  Church  beck- 
oned to  a  soldier  well  acquainted  with  the  locality  and  In- 
dian language,  and  detailed  yet  another,  and  directed  them 
to  follow  at  short  distances.  Then  entering  he  discovered 
among  the  company  in  the  swamp  an  aged  woman  who  had 
long  ago  owned  a  house  and  planted  an  orchard  in  contiguity 
with  his  own  residence.  This  woman  and  her  husband  had 
always  been  peaceable  and  inoffensive,  but  had  been  driven 
away  by  the  covetousness  of  white  neighbors.  Captain  Church 
had  always  regarded  the  expulsion  of  these  persons  as  cruel 
and  unjust ;  he  now  thought  it  providential,  for  the  old 
woman  immediately  recognized  Captain   Church,  and,  with 

1  This  was  at  Russel's  Orchard,  where  they  had  beaten  down  and  carried  off 
apples.  They  had  also  killed  swine  near  by,  and  had  lodged  there  in  the  lea  of 
a  stone  wall. 

2  The  dew  disclosed  their  tracks. 


142  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

both  her  hands  uplifted  and  in  ecstasy  of  delight,  ran  to  him. 
Her  presence  was  fortunate,  for  by  her  Captain  Church  was 
warned  that  his  forces  were  entirely  inadequate  to  cope  with 
Indians  near  by,  some  of  whom,  she  informed  Mr.  Church, 
were  Wampanoags,  and  others,  Narragansetts.  She  also  told 
Captain  Church  that  Metacomet  was  in  a  Cedar  Swamp  about 
two  miles  off,  with  many  Indians. 

When  Captain  Church's  whole  company  came  together 
that  night,  it  "  was  ascertained  that  the  two  parties  had  been 
about  equally  successful :  Indians  had  killed  three  of  the  en- 
emy and  brought  in  sixty -three  prisoners;  having  had  the 
fortune  to  encounter  more  men  than  the  English,  and  capture 
more  arms."  The  Indian  soldiers  told  Captain  Church  that 
by  dividing  his  men  "  he  had  lost  a  grand  opportunity  ;  they 
had  encountered  a  great  rendezvous  of  the  enemy."  1 

That  night,  as  afterwards  ascertained,  a  large  body  of  In- 
dians were  at  Asawompset  Neck,  awaiting  Captain  Church's 
return.2  He  reached  Plymouth  the  next  day,  via  Sippecan. 
No  slaver  was  ever  more  successful  in  obtaining  prisoners.3 

1  It  was  Tyask's  town.  Captain  Tyask,  Indians  said,  was  "  the  next  man 
to  Metacomet."  The  Indian  soldiers  fired  on  his  rendezvous  and  then  ran 
in  with  a  shout,  upon  its  occupants  whilst  yet  unconscious  of  danger.  Tyask's 
people  showed  no  fight,  but  left  their  guns  and  hasted  away  with  their  women 
and  children.    Among  prisoners  taken  were  the  wife  and  son  of  Captain  Tyask. 

2  It  was  a  common  remark  of  Indians  whose  custom  was  never  to  move  in  a  solid 
body,  that  "  the  English  keep  in  a  heap,  and  it  is  as  easy  to  hit  them  as  to  hit  a 
barn."     Captain  Church  had  learned  much  from  Indians. 

3  Captain  Church  was  doubtless  indebted  for  success,  in  some  degree,  to  the 
army  of  the  United  Colonies.  Their  presence  abroad  determined  Indians  in  re- 
mote parts  to  resort  to  the  country  around  Taunton ;  and  thus  Captain  Church's 
duties  lay  near  localities  with  which  he  was  familiar.  Another  advantage  en- 
joyed by  Captain  Church  was  his  peculiar  manner  of  marching  his  soldiers  ;  their 
ranks  were  never  close.  His  forces  seemed,  therefore,  to  be  more  numerous  than 
they  really  were.  Moreover,  his  policy  in  regard  to  prisoners  was  peculiar.  He 
selected  such  as  he  thought  would  make  good  soldiers,  and  promised,  "  If  you  will 
enlist  in  our  cause,  and  behave  well,  you  shall  neither  be  put  to  death  nor  sold 
as  slaves.  You  shall  be  otherwise  favored  if  you  fight  well."  If  some  prisoners 
appeared  at  first  surly,  Captain  Church  would  seem  not  to  notice  it,  but,  with  a 
pat  on  the  shoulder,  would  say  pleasantly,  "  Come  now,  the  Indians  who  are 
now  my  best  soldiers  were,  a  little  while  ago,  as  sullen  as  you  now  appear.  By 
the  time  you  come  to  know  me,  you  will  like  me,  and  will  be  as  good  soldiers  as 
are  the  best." 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

Although  it  could  not  be  said  that  the  confederate  army- 
were  of  late  remarkably  active,  Connecticut  troops  were  not 
inefficient.  Before  the  month  of  April  had  closed,  they  had 
killed  seventy-six  Indians,  several  of  whom  were  chiefs.  They 
had  also  made  great  havoc  of  the  enemy's  stores.  A  party 
under  Captain  Dennison  struck  finally  a  heavy  blow  by  cap- 
turing the  leading  Sachem  of  the  Narragansetts. 

Canonchet  was  a  mighty  man,  and  more  than  others  the  re- 
liance of  his  tribe.  Come  on  a  pacific  errand,  expressly  to 
secure  seed-corn  for  his  people  to  plant,  he  had  arrived  near 
the  Pawtucket  River ;  when,  thinking  himself  secure  in  his 
tent,  and  whilst  in  the  act  of  relating  to  old  friends  former 
incidents  and  exploits,  he  was  surprised.  Attempting  flight 
by  crossing  the  river,  a  misstep  brought  his  gun  under  water 
and  further  progress  retarded.  A  Pequot,  serving  in  Con- 
necticut ranks,  ran  for  his  capture.  The  Pequot  was  swift 
of  foot.  Canonchet,  although  brave  and  of  great  muscular 
strength,  saw  that  at  present  he  was  powerless.  Without  a 
word  he  sat  down,  a  prisoner.  The  Pequot  still  standing 
over  him,  an  officer  came  and  seized  him.  Others  quickly 
gathered  around.  No  answers  were  made  to  demands  or  in- 
quiries ;  but  Canonchet  attempted  in  broken  English,  and 
with  a  pitiful  look  at  his  interrogators,  to  say  scornfully, 
"  You  no  understand.  You  too  much  child.  Let  your  Cap- 
tain come  ;  he  understand  matters  of  war." 

Nothing  could  save  the  great  chieftain.  He  must  be  de- 
stroyed. In  truth  all  Narragansetts  must  be  exterminated. 
Canonchet  was,  indeed,  offered  life ;  but  it  was  only  on  con- 
dition that  he  would  place  his  shattered  tribe  at  the  disposal 
of  his  captors.     At  such  proposal  he  was,  of  course,  indig- 


144  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

nant.1  The  terms  were  not  simply  rejected,  but  when  told 
that  he  must  die  he  replied,  "  I  like  it  well."  It  is  said  that 
"  he  wished  to  die  soon  before  his  heart  became  soft  or  he 
should  utter  a  word  unworthy  of  himself."  2 

Canonchet  was  publicly  shot  at  Stonington.  The  dignity 
of  his  fall  wrung  involuntary  admiration  from  every  one.  A 
historian  of  obliquity,  touching  the  rights  of  Indians,  has  said : 
"  By  a  Pythagorean  metempsychosis  some  old  Roman  ghost 
possessed  Canonchet's  body,  like  an  Attilius  Regulus."  3 

There  is  discrepancy  in  contemporaneous  accounts  of  the 
manner  of  Canonchet's  execution.4  If  nothing  more  could  be 
adduced  in  his  favor,  his  valiant  and  persistent  effort,  after 
the  great  swamp-fight,  to  rally  his  broken  band  of  warriors, 
was  worthy  of  a  mind  which  could  maintain  its  fortitude  in 
the  midst  of  terrible  reverses. 

The  unbending  pride  and  lofty  spirit  of  the  red  man  is 
proverbial.  When  the  Gauls  laid  siege  to  the  city  of  Rome, 
senators  put  on  their  robes  and,  with  stern  tranquillity,  seated 
in  the  curule,  awaited  death  without  supplication  or  resist- 
ance. It  was  noble  and  magnanimous  in  Romans  ;  but  hap- 
less Indians  were  only  "  sullen  dogs  who  would  in  self-will- 

1  Canonchet  was  son  of  the  noble  and  unfortunate  Miantonimo.  Although 
at  all  times  avoiding  any  appearance  of  hostile  designs,  he  was  ally  of  Metacomet 
and  had  extended  hospitality  to  Wampanoag  women  and  children.  He  was, 
therefore,  of  course,  "heir  to  all  his  father's  pride  and  insolence." 

2  The  Sachem,  when  taunted  with  having  formerly  boasted  that  he  would  not 
deliver  to  the  English  so  much  as  the  paring  of  a  Wampanoag's  nail,  turned 
coldly  away  with  dignified  intimation  that  he  would  "  hear  no  more." 

3  We  are  compelled  to  add,  "  The  same  historian,  notwithstanding  a  repu- 
tation for  preeminent  piety,  bestows  upon  the  noble  victim  the  chaste  epithet 
"  damned  wretch." 

4  Mather  says  :  "  It  was  deemed  prudent  to  cut  off  his  head,  using  friendly 
Indians  as  executioners  that  so  the  alienation  between  them  and  the  wretches  in 
hostility  against  us  may  be  more  incurable."  A  historian,  having  credit  for 
piety,  has  told  us  in  regard  to  the  swamp-fight,  "  Our  soldiers  were  determined, 
by  God's  assistance,  to  make  a  final  destruction  of  them.  All  were  dispatched  in 
the  course  of  an  hour."  The  same  historian  qualifies  his  report  by  saying,  "  A 
few  escaped  and  took  refuge  in  a  swamp.  Burning  with  indignation  and  sullen 
with  despair,  their  hearts  bursting  with  grief  at  the  destruction  of  their  tribe, 
they  refused  to  ask  for  life,  preferring  death  to  submission."  He  says  further, 
u  At  night  they  were  surrounded  and  plied  with  shot,  by  which  many  were  killed 
and  buried  in  mire.  By  aid  of  a  fog,  some  few  escaped,  but  were  found  sitting 
in  heaps  close  together,  upon  whom  soldiers  charged  pieces  loaded  with  many 
bullets  at  a  time,  pointing  the  muzzles  of  guns  within  a  few  yards  of  them." 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  145 

edness  sit  still  in    their  places  rather  than  implore  mercy  " 
which  would  have  been  asked  in  vain. 

The  succeeding  autumn,  the  Connecticut  forces  had  "killed 
or  captured  three  hundred  Indians  and  obtained  fifty  mus- 
kets." Such  exploits  were  "  repeated  until  all  the  Narragan- 
setts  were  driven  out." 

"  The  regular  army  under  Major  Talcott  marched  upon  the 
Nipmucks,  in  June,  and  killed  or  captured  fifty-two."  It  also, 
"  the  same  month,  dispersed  seven  hundred  Indians  who  had 
besieged  Hadley  ;  "  and,  "  on  its  return,  surrounded  the  main 
body  in  a  cedar-swamp,  among  whom  was  Magnus,  an  aged 
Queen  of  the  Narragansetts ;  and  one  hundred  and  seventy 
others."  This  army  "  also  captured  or  killed  sixty-seven 
Indians,  near  Providence,  and,  on  its  way  back  to  Connect- 
icut, killed  or  captured  sixty." 

It  has  been  affirmed  that  Indians  early  exhibited  feelings 
hostile  to  the  colonists.  To  confirm  the  accusation,  reference 
has  often  been  made  to  the  story  about  a  bundle  of  arrows 
tied  together  by  a  snake  skin.  The  arrows  were  alleged  to 
be  "  a  present  from  Canonicus  when  commanding  five  thou- 
sand fighting  men."  Whether  the  story  were  a  fiction,  or 
otherwise,  and  whether  its  interpretation  was  right  or  not,  the 
tale  was  kept  prominently  in  mind.  That  the  Narragansetts 
spared,  when  they  could,  if  they  would,  have  destroyed,  is  a 
fact  which  has  not  been  so  assiduously  kept  in  view.1 

If  led  in  this  part  of  our  narrative  to  advert  to  a  few  items 
that  have  recently  attracted  our  eye,  and  which  it  may  be 
thought,  have  no  immediate  connection  with  any  distinct 
topics  which  make  up  our  narrative,  the  digression  may  be 
pardoned,  since  without  it  matters  of  interest  might  be  over- 
looked.2 

1  It  is  probably  remembered  that  when  Roger  Williams  sought  a  quiet  and 
peaceful  retreat,  Narragansetts  entertained  him  humanely  and  Canonicus  made 
valuable  presents  to  him  and  associates.  Colonists,  however,  never  forgot  that 
Indians  were  holders  of  a  reduced  patrimony.  It  was  scarcely  imagined  in  those 
days  that  Washington  County,  R.  I.,  would,  in  future  time,  become  so  valuable 
a  possession,  —  the  seat  of  thrifty  manufacture. 

2  The  remarks  which  follow  are,  perhaps,  a  deviation  from  the  main  subject. 
They  refer  particularly  to  Nantucket  Indians.  Nantucket  is  doubtless  the  island 
that  was  called  by  ancient  voyagers  Nauticon.  The  Magazine  of  American  His- 
tory, June,  1878,  contains  a  translation  from  Letlres  d'un  Cultivates  Am&icain, 

10 


146  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

An  express  arrived  at  Marshfield,  July  30,  announcing  that 
a  great  body  of  Indians  were  supposed  to  be  preparing  to  at- 
tack towns  in  vicinity  of  Taunton.  Captain  Church  being  in 
Plymouth,  the  Governor  hastened  thither  rallying  men  by  the 
way.  Captain  Church  was  called  out  of  meeting  and  re- 
quested to  muster  quickly  all  the  men  who  could  be  persuaded 
to  accompany  him  to  the  expected  seat  of  war.  Captain 
Church  moved  briskly,  but,  finding  no  bread  in  the  store- 
house, was  under  the  necessity  of  running  from  door  to  door 
to  procure  provisions.  Soon  ready  for  the  march,  Captain 
Church  took  thirty  English  and  twenty  Indian  soldiers,  and 
made  his  way  for  Taunton  River  near  Bridgewater.  It  was 
supposed  the  enemy  would  cross  at  Bridgewater.  Distant 
firing  was  by  and  by  heard ;  and  going  into  town,  Captain 
Church  learned  that  Metacomet,  finding  pursuit  too  hot,  de- 
Paris,  1787.  A  letter  from  "  St.  John  de  Creve  Cceur,"  dated  Nantucket,  10 
September,  1772,  comments  on  the  native  inhabitants  of  Nantucket  before  the 
arrival  of  Europeans.  Monsieur  Cceur  says,  "  History  does  not  inform  us  from 
which  particular  nation  the  inhabitants  came.  Probably  they  had  originated 
at  a  distant  period  from  the  coast  of  Hyannes  on  the  grand  Peninsula  which 
is  only  twenty-seven  miles  distant."  Monsieur  Cceur  tells  that  "  these  Indians 
became  divided  into  parties  who  waged  war  against  each  other.  An  expedient 
which  ended  the  strife  and  prevented  entire  destruction  a  few  years  before  the 
arrival  of  Europeans,  was  an  agreement  that  a  line  of  demarkation  north  and 
south  divide  the  island  into  equal  parts,  each  party  engaging  not  to  kill  any  of 
the  other  except  the  other  cross  the  line.  The  memory  of  this  agreement  was 
kept,  and  after  it  Indians  were  peaceful  and  multiplied  greatly  until  Europeans 
introduced  the  small-pox  among  them,  which  with  brandy  diminished  the  Indians 
from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the  other." 

He  tells  that  "  A  few  years  since,  Indians  returning  in  three  great  canoes  from 
Niagara  where  they  had  been  on  a  trading  expedition,  were  attacked  by  small- 
pox, at  the  long  point  of  Lake  Erie,  and  all  perished.  Their  dead  bodies,  ca- 
noes, and  goods  were  found  by  European  travellers  some  time  later.  The  In- 
dians' dogs  were  surviving." 

Jedidiah  Morse  tells  us  in  his  Gazetteer,  that  "in  1659  Nantucket  had  nearly 
3,000  Indians."  He  also  says  that  "in  1764  they  had  become  reduced  to 
about  20." 

The  extracts  from  Monsieur  Cceur  were  doubtless  meant  to  be  a  true  exhibit, 
but,  like  some  other  historical  statements,  are  to  be  received  cautiously,  as  only 
traditive.  In  the  History  of  Cape  Cod,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  176,  177,  traditional  reminis- 
cences touching  Nantucket  are  mentioned.  The  statements  of  Monsieur  Cceur 
ought  perhaps  to  be  classed  with  the  story  of  "  the  bird  of  monstrous  size " 
which  was  in  the  "  habit  of  carrying  off  pappooses  from  the  southern  shores  of 
the  Cape,"  and  with  the  tradition  respecting  the  "  Indian  Giant  Maushop  "  and 
his  "  smoke." 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  147 

signed  returning  to  the  up-country ;  and,  with  such  intent, 
had  reached  the  river  and  met  a  reverse.  Akkompion,  Meta- 
comet's  aged  uncle,  and  other  braves  had,  whilst  attempting 
to  pass  over  an  improvised  bridge,  been  slain.1 

Captain  Church  moved  on  next  morning,  with  augmented 
force ;  and  coming,  presently,  near  the  tree  where  Akkompion 
had  been  killed ;  and,  as  if  by  strange  instinct,  reconnoitering, 
though  not  expecting  to  find  any  Indian  there,  he  and  others 
saw,  sitting  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river,  an  Indian.  He 
sat  on  the  stump  of  the  fallen  tree.     It  was  Metacomet !  2 

As  soon  as  possible  Captain  Church  and  party  crossed  the 
river  in  eager  pursuit.  Metacomet  was  not  to  be  found.3 
Tracks  indicated  that  he  and  companions  had  scattered  and 
fled.  Search  was  made  all  day  for  them  in  vain,  except  that 
some  women  and  children  were  captured,  among  whom  was 
Wootonekamuska,  the  wife  of  Metacomet,  and  their  only  son 
about  nine  years  old. 

The  events  of  the  preceding  evening  had  probably  retarded 
the  movements  of  Metacomet  and  his  train.  Possibly  he  had 
not  been  advised  of  all  that  had  occurred.  Or,  it  may  be,  he 
had  seated  himself  on  the  stump,  indulging  in  melancholy  in- 
duced by  thoughts  of  passing  for  the  last  time  the  bounds  of 
his  ancestral  dominions.  Unhappy  Metacomet,  the  fates 
seem  against  him.  Disaster  follows  disaster.  Hemmed  in 
by  enemies  if  he  remain  at  home  ;  assured  that  his  foes  are 
determined  on  his  death,  he  would  exile  himself  once  more, 

1  Metacomet  had  caused  a  tree  to  be  felled  across  the  river  to  serve  as  a  bridge 
for  himself  and  company.  This,  doubtless,  had  given  rise  to  the  report  that  up- 
country  Indians  were  coming  east.  The  train  of  Metacomet,  coming  to  the  river, 
had  been  fired  upon  by  Bridgewater  men  lying  in  ambuscade.  Judge  Mitchell's 
history  mentions  the  adventure  and  says,  "  Seventeen  Indians  were  captured  and 
much  plunder." 

The  name  Akkompion  has  sometimes  been  written  Uncompon;  and  is  the 
same  among  the  signatures  to  the  treaty,  August  6,  1662. 

2  The  company  crept  under  cover  of  prostrate  boughs,  and  Captain  Church 
was  in  the  act  of  raising  his  gun  to  fire  when  one  of  his  own  Indians  quickly 
said,  "  Don't  fire,  it  is  one  of  our  men."  At  this,  the  Indian  on  the  stump 
slipped  down  the  bank  and  escaped. 

3  Hubbard  relates  that  "  the  Sachem  had  disguised  himself  by  cutting  his  hair. 
Hubbard  had,  perhaps,  authority  for  the  statement.  It  was  not  strange  if  it  were 
felt  to  be  expedient  to  resort  to  stratagem,  hunted  as  Metacomet  was  incessantly 
by  foes  intent  on  his  life. 


148  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

but  where  can  lie  hope  to  find  repose?  The  big-hearted 
Sachem  who  in  the  depths  of  misfortune  would  have  struck 
to  the  earth  even  a  chosen  friend  who  dared  to  hint  surrender, 
preferred  to  wander  from  thicket  to  thicket  and  from  swamp 
to  swamp,  if  peradventure  some  way  might  yet  open  for  the 
redemption  of  his  race.  He  bore  up  bravely  under  all  until 
now. 

Hearing  of  the  capture  of  his  wife  and  son,  Metacomet  sat 
down  in  anguish,  and  from  quivering  lips  came  forth  the  ex- 
pressive words,  "  My  heart  breaks  :  now  I  am  ready  to  die." 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

The  colonists  and  troops  pursuing  Metacomet,  saw  a  broad 
track  along  the  river,  indicating  that  large  numbers  had 
trailed  in  that  direction.  Closely  questioning  prisoners,  the 
fact  was  disclosed  that  whilst  Metacomet  was  aiming  once 
more  to  gain  the  interior,  Quinappin  was  drawing  off  her 
people  from  the  interior,  to  gain  a  settlement  in  Narragansett. 

Captain  Church,  leaving  a  part  of  his  soldiers  to  secure  his 
prisoners  and  perchance  pick  up  other  straggling  Indians, 
hastened  on  in  the  principal  track  of  the  retreating.  Coming 
soon  to  the  end  of  the  track,  he  found  that  the  Indians  had 
crossed  the  river.  The  track  was,  however,  found  on  the  other 
side  and  followed  about  a  mile.  Not  overtaking  the  Indians, 
he  thought  it  expedient  to  return  to  the  company  left  behind. 
He  gave  permission  to  friendly  Indians  to  continue  the  pur- 
suit, Lightfoot,  to  whom  was  applied  the  sobriquet  Captain, 
being  permitted  to  lead.  Early  the  next  day,  Lightfoot's  In- 
dians came  to  Church,  and  reported  numbers  of  the  enemy 
killed  and  thirteen  captured.  Lightfoot's  soldiers  were  proud 
of  their  achievement,  and  rejoiced  especially  at  having  avenged 
the  death  of  Tockamone,  a  brother  of  Awashonks.1 

Captain  Church  now  sent  all  his  prisoners  forward  to 
Bridgewater,  and  discovering  other  tracks  connecting  with 
places  where  fires  had  recently  been  kindled  to  roast  meats, 
continued  his  pursuits.  Indians  lately  captured  and  received 
as  soldiers,  were  placed  in  van  with  orders.  They  soon  over- 
took many  women,  children,  and  aged  men,  sick  and  faint,  or 
weary,  and  unable  to  keep  up  with  those  who  preceded.  All 
whom  these  Indian  soldiers  intercepted  were  claimed  as  pris- 

1  This  Indian  was  probably  the  Saconet  Sachem  who  signed,  with  Philip,  the 
treaty  of  Plymouth,  November  3,  1671. 


150  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

oners  of  war,  and  directed  to  keep  quiet  and  be  submissive ; 
to  which  they  were  easily  persuaded,  for  they  found  them- 
selves among  old  acquaintances.  Before  sundown  it  was  dis- 
covered that  the  entire  remaining  body  of  the  enemy  was  just 
ahead.  Indian  soldiers  were  instructed  to  "  dog  them,  watch- 
ing their  motions  until  dark."  Almost  immediately  the  body 
came  to  a  halt,  and  were  seen  making  fires  and  other  prepa- 
rations for  the  night's  encampment.  Captain  Church  and  men 
arranged  themselves  in  a  circle  with  the  prisoners  in  the  cen- 
tre, and  all  sat  down  in  silence.  Waiting  thus  until  daylight, 
two  men  were  selected  to  reconnoiter  the  enemy's  position. 
It  so  happened  that,  according  to  custom,  Indians  sent  out  a 
scout  at  the  same  hour  to  their  own  track  of  the  previous  day. 
Seeing  the  reconnoiterers,  the  scout  turned  instantly  and  fled 
to  camp,  whereupon  the  whole  mass  of  the  enemy  scattered 
into  the  swamp,  leaving  meats  roasting  and  kettles  hanging 
over  fires.  The  swamp  was  quickly  surrounded  by  the  Eng- 
lish troops;  but  no  sooner  had  Captain  Church  and  party 
reached  position  on  the  side  opposite  to  where  the  enemy  had 
entered,  than  Indians,  well  armed,  were  emerging.1  Meta- 
comet,  Tispaquin,  Totoson,  and  other  chiefs,  were  still  on  the 
side  of  the  swamp  first  entered,  and  waited  there  expecting 
that  the  English  would  follow  in  their  tracks,  and  intending, 
so  soon  as  the  aged  and  feeble  should  pass  through  and  escape, 
to  give  the  English  party  a  warm  reception.  Huddled  to- 
gether in  a  ravine  were  great  numbers  of  the  Indians,  aged 
and  infirm.  Skirmishes  between  able-bodied  Indians  and  the 
English  ensued,  and  several  of  the  Indians'  braves  were 
killed,  as  were  also  Plymouth  volunteers.2 

The  troops  had  by  this  time  become  "  destitute  of  provis- 
ions, except  what  they  had  taken  from  the  enemy,"  and  there- 
fore  "hasted  to   Bridgewater,  taking  the   prisoners."3     It 

i  Captain  Church  called  to  the  Indians  to  surrender,  and  promised  good  quar 
ters.  Some  Indians  stood  mute  as  if  astonished,  and  some  permitted  themselves 
to  be  disarmed. 

2  Accounts  differ  in  estimates  of  killed  and  wounded;  but  reports  say  "the 
whole  number  of  the  Indians  killed  or  captured  was  173."  "Thomas  Lucas,  a 
Plymouth  man,  was  killed." 

8  These  prisoners  were  "  placed  in  the  cattle-pound,  and  had  Indian  soldiers  to 
guard  them."  Captain  Church  says,  "  They  were  well  fed  and  had  a  merry  night 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  151 

seemed  to  be  the  opinion  of  prisoners'  that  Metacomet  was 
dispirited;  and  "  colonists  became  confident  that  they  would 
soon  have  his  head.', 

Thegreat  English  army,  so  called,  was  "  still  at  Taunton ; 
and  Major  Talcott,  with  Connecticut  forces,  was  active  in  has- 
tening the  destruction  of  the  enemy."  l 

About  this  time  Weetamoe,  alias  Awashonks,  the  Squaw- 
Sachem,  or  Great  Queen  of  Pocasset,  and  near  kinswoman  to 
Metacomet,  ceased  to  be.  Her  death  probably  occurred  near 
Swansey,  August  6.  A  company  of  soldiers,  led  by  a  rene- 
gade, invaded  her  quarters.  Fallen  upon  unexpectedly,  about 
twenty-six  of  her  people  were  captured.  She  herself  escaped, 
but  only  to  die  in  some  unexplained  way.  Some  have  it 
that  "  she  was  "drowned  in  the  act  of  attempting  escape,  per- 
haps in  endeavoring  to  swim  the  river ;  perhaps  in  trying  to 
pass  over  on  a  frail  raft."  Her  lifeless  body  was  found  at 
Swansey  Neck,  only  one  week  before  the  fall  of  Metacomet.2 

of  it,  not  having  fared  so  well  for  a  long  time."  They  were  not  without  a  boun- 
tiful supply  of  strong  water,  after  imbibing  which  "  they  laughed  as  loud  as  any 
of  our  soldiers."  It  may  here  be  noted  as  a  reminder  that,  with  all  other  wrongs 
suffered  by  Indians,  their  chief  enemy  was  that  which  now  soon  destroyed  their 
manhood,  and  eventually  almost  cursed  their  existence.  It  will  be  seen  by  Old 
Colony  Laws,  that  the  General  Court  was  accustomed  to  license  the  sale  of  intox- 
cating  liquors  to  Indians.  By  this  practice  their  doom,  their  decay  was  sealed. 
Tribes  farthest  removed  from  the  white  man's  settlements  best  preserved  their 
integrity. 

1  He  killed  or  captured  many  in  the  Narragansett  country ;  and,  returning  to 
Connecticut,  July  5,  recruited  his  forces  and,  "  taking  station  at  Westfield,  fell 
with  much  success  on  Indians  flying  westward." 

2  The  body  was  found  "  stark  naked ;  "  perhaps  just  as  it  floated  ashore.  But  of 
this  and  attendant  circumstances  there  is  doubt.  Hubbard  says,  "  She  was  found 
in  this  condition  not  far  from  the  water-side,  which  made  some  think  she  had 
been  half-drowned  and  was  exhausted  by  starvation."  The  exposure  in  nudity, 
would,  could  she  have  foreseen  it,  have  shocked  her  sensitiveness  and  modesty. 
The  thought  of  it  would  have  been  worse  than  death  itself. 

Mr.  Drake  says,  "  This  proud  Queen  of  Pocasset  was,  before  the  war,  possessed 
of  large  and  valuable  possessions.  She  became  wife  of  Quinnapin,  who  at  the 
siege  of  Lancaster  became  possessed  of  Mrs.  Rownaldson  as  his  prisoner.  Mrs. 
Rownaldson  says  of  her,  "  A  proud  and  severe  dame  she  was,  bestowing  each  day 
in  dressing,  nearly  as  much  time  as  any  of  the  gentry  of  the  land,  —  powdering 
her  hair  and  painting  her  face,  going  with  her  necklaces,  jewels  in  her  ears,  and 
bracelets  on  her  hands.  When  she  had  dressed  herself  her  work  was  to  make 
girdles  of  wampum  and  beads." 

Judge  Davis,  whose  place  of  nativity  was  Plymouth,  cites  a  poem  written  on 
occasion  of  Weetamoe's  death,  and  says,  "  The  poet  has  judiciously  abstained 


152  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

"  Captain  Church  and  his  soldiers  carried  all  their  prisoners 
to  Plymouth,  where  the  company  disbanded.''  There  was, 
however,  no  more  rest  for  Captain  Church  or  his  soldiers,  than 
for  the  hunted  Indians.  In  a  day  or  two  their  services  were 
again  in  requisition.  "  Large  numbers  of  the  enemy,"  were 
reported  as  being  in  Dartmouth.  So  Captain  Church  with 
his  Indian  soldiers,  and  as  many  volunteers  as  could  be  had, 
"took  again  to  the  woods."  They  had  the  fortune  soon  to 
make  many  captures,  and  an  examination  of  prisoners  revealed 
the  fact  that  Totoson  lay  concealed  near  by.1  Therefore, 
August  8,  a  descent  on  Totoson's  camp  was  proposed.  Toto- 
son escaped  to  Agawam,  also  his  son,  aged  eight  years,  and 
one  squaw ;  all  others  were  captured,  and  among  these  was 
the  father  of  Totoson,  Sam  Barrow.2  Totoson  did  not  long 
survive.  Becoming  dejected,  his  mighty  spirit  sank  within 
him.  His  son  also  sickened  and  died.  The  old  squaw  who 
had  escaped  with  them,  gathered  leaves  and  bushes  and  laid 
on  Totoson's  grave ;  this  loving  offering  completed,  she 
hastened  away  to  Sandwich,  and  she  also  sickened  and  died 
before  she  had  opportunity  to  show  the  inhabitants  where  the 
dead  were  buried. 

Captain  Church  had  often  professed  himself  weary  of  the 
war,  but  the  Governor  of  Plymouth  insisted  that  he  must  con- 
tinue in  service.  So,  calling  for  volunteers,  he  marched  again, 
August  11.  Going  through  the  woods  and  crossing  the  ferry 
to  the  island,  he  received  information  that  Metacomet  was 
once  more  at  Mount  Hope.  It  would  seem  that  (to  use  the 
language  of  another),  "  after  all  his  wanderings,  Metacomet 
had,  like  a  wild  deer,  returned  to  his  native  spot  to  die."     It 

from  presenting  the  shocking  exhibition  which  history  records :  her  head  severed 
and  exposed  upon  a  pole  at  Taunton/'  Judge  Davis  further  says,  "  We  cannot 
peruse  without  humiliation  and  disgust  the  unfeeling  sarcasms  with  which  a  rev- 
erend cotemporary  historian  relates  the  occurrence  and  describes  the  lamentations 
of  the  prisoners  when,  gazing  on  the  appalling  spectacle,  they  recognized  the 
countenance  of  their  Queen. 

i  Totoson  was  one  of  the  Sachems  who  signed  the  treaty  of  1675.  He  was 
regarded  as  of  great  shrewdness  and  valor. 

2  When  Sam  was  informed  that  no  quarter  would  be  allowed  him,  he  asks 
the  special  favor  of  a  single  whiff  of  tobacco.  The  request  being  granted,  he  said, 
"  I  am  ready  ; "  and  an  executioner  by  one  blow  buried  the  hatchet  in  Totoson's 
father's  brains. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  153 

is  more  than  probable  that  his  death  would,  without  further 
annoyance  by  enemies,  have  been  an  early  event.  That  Toto- 
son  died  of  grief  on  account  of  the  destruction  of  his  family, 
and  loss  of  heritage,  there  is  no  doubt. 

An  Indian  just  from  Metacomet's  camp,  reported  that  in 
consequence  of  the  Sachem's  irritation  at  a  suggestion  by  one 
of  his  friends,  of  the  expediency  of  peace,  he  had  fled.  Cap- 
tain Church  was  now  in  high  spirits.  Guided  by  an  Indian 
renegade,  he  marched  for  the  place  which  had  been  described : 
"  a  little  spot  of  upland  at  the  south-end  of  a  mirey  swamp 
just  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Hope."  1  The  ground  was  well 
understood  by  many  of  Captain  Church's  companions. 

By  the  time  the  swamp  was  reached,  night  was  far  spent. 
To  Captain  Golding,  of  Connecticut,  was  assigned  the  work  of 
beating-up  Metacomet's  headquarters.  Guided  by  the  Indian 
who  had  fled  from  camp  ;  intreated  to  be  careful  in  approach, 
and  instructed  not  to  show  themselves  to  the  enemy  until  day- 
light should  enable  them  to  distinguish  friends  from  foes ;  by 
and  by,  as  they  crept  silently  along,  a  ball  was  heard  whistling 
over  head,  and  was  supposed  to  come  from  Metacomet's  sentry. 

A  return  fire  upon  the  enemy's  shelter  aroused  the  In- 
dians, who  in  an  instant  took  to  the  swamp.2  Foremost  among 
them  was  Metacomet.  He  had  started  at  the  first  report  of 
guns,  had  thrown  aside  his  powder-horn,  seized  his  gun,  and, 
without  other  clothing  than  stockings  and  drawers,3  ran  di- 
rectly on  two  of  the  left-wing  ambush  —  an  Indian  and  a 
Englishman,  who  let  him  come  within  fair  shot.  The  gun  of 
the  Englishman  missed  fire ;  the  Indian  ambuscader  blazed 
away  with  effect,4  and  put  a  bullet  through  Metacomet's  heart 

1  The  shelter  was  open  only  on  the  side  opposite  an  ambuscade  set  near  the 
swamp.     The  shelter  was  so  constructed  as  to  be  convenient  for  flight. 

2  The  Indians  were  generally  asleep  when  firing  began. 
8  Church  has  it  "  small  breeches." 

4  Hubbard  tells,  "  The  Englishman's  gun  would  not  fire,  but  the  Indian  hav- 
ing an  old  musket  with  a  large  touch-hole,  it  took  fire  more  readily.  The  morn- 
ing was  wet  and  rainy."  We  do  not  intend  to  intimate  that  anything  professedly 
"  handed  down,"  whether  regarding  the  failure  of  the  one  gun,  the  veritable  lock 
and  gun  of  the  Indian,  or  other  alleged  relics  or  traditions,  is  to  be  classed  among 
things  to  be  received  as  undoubted,  or  otherwise ;  nor  would  we  question  the 
identity  of  the  Indian  who  killed  Metacomet ;  but  it  is  remarkable,  nevertheless* 
that  both  early  and  later  writers  fail  to  agree  on  these  subjects. 


154  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

and  lodged  another  in  his  body  about  two  inches  below.  The 
Great  Sachem  fell  in  mud  and  water,  his  face  to  the  ground 
and  his  gun  under  him.  As  respects  the  spot  where  Meta- 
comet  fell,  there  is  general  agreement.1  The  Indian  who  shot 
Metacomet  ran  directly  to  Captain  Church  to  acquaint  him 
with  the  fact ;  but  was  commanded  to  keep  silent  about  it 
until  the  swamp  could  be  driven  through.  It  was  found  that 
the  enemy  had,  generally,  escaped  by  a  part  of  the  swamp  not 
ambushed.  The  whole  company  of  Captain  Church  were 
then  called  to  the  place  where  "  the  enemy's  shelter  "  had 
been,  and  the  event  of  the  morning  was  announced  to  them 
all. 

The  escaped  Indians  perceived,  by  this  time,  that  they  were 
way-laid  on  the  east  side  of  the  swamp  ;  all  started  off  at  once 
in  an  opposite  direction,  one  of  them,  "  a  great  surly  old  fel- 
low, crying  out  lustily,  '  Totash !  Totash  ! '  "  which  exhortation 
was  interpreted  by  Peter,  the  Sugkonate,  "  Fight  on !  Fight 
on !  "     Peter  said,  "  That  man  is  Anawon." 

How  many  escaped  is  a  mooted  question.  It  is  certain  that 
Anawon,  a  noted  chief  and  one  of  Metacomet's  old  and  trusted 
friends,  escaped.  There  were  doubtless  others  with  Meta- 
comet ;  a  few,  and  probably  only  a  few.2 

Had  the  resources  of  Metacomet  been  equal  to  those  of  his 
enemies,  it  were  not  difficult  to  predict  a  different  result ;  and 
this  exterminating  war  upon  Indians  might  not  have  been 
known  to  the  multitudes  now  inhabiting  their  native  soil. 
Metacomet's  death,  August  12,  1676,  decided  the  fate  of  his 
race.3 

1  Fessenden's  "Warren  states,  probably  correctly,  that  "  Metacomet  was  sur- 
prised and  killed  at  a  little  knoll  on  the  southwest  side,  at  the  foot  of  Mount 
Hope."  Dexter  says,  "  The  distance  of  the  swamp  is  not  more  than  two  miles 
from  the  ferry  landing  on  the  Bristol  side." 

2  Mather  says,  "  Philip  with  seven  of  his  men  were  there."  He  also  says, 
"  Five  of  his  men  were  killed  with  him."  Hubbard  says,  "Philip  had  with  him 
a  few  of  his  best  friends." 

3  The  night  preceding  his  death,  he  dreamed  that  he  had  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  his  enemies.  Early  awake  next  morning,  he  was  relating  to  near  friends 
the  dream,  and,  as  he  reclined  on  his  hand  supported  by  the  elbow,  was  just  sug- 
gesting that  flight  was  expedient  before  the  unprincipled  wretch  who  had  gone 
from  them  could  betray  the  position  of  Sachem  and  people.  The  first  gun  was 
then  heard.    Another  moment,  and  those  in  pursuit  were  surrounding  them. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

That  Metacomet  was  not  a  Christian  need  cause  no  marvel. 
The  exhibition  he  saw  of  \he  spirit  of  Christianity  was  not 
such  as  was  likely  to  win  him  to  Christ.  A  filibustering 
greed  pushing  its  claims  by  constant  aggressions  and  urging 
its  way  by  powder  and  ball  as  well  as  fire-water,  were  not 
means  adapted  to  "convert,  civilize,  and  ameliorate  the  condi- 
tion of  Indians  of  North  America."  x 

Whether  Metacomet's  being  antagonist  of  the  English,  re- 
sulted from  native  destructiveness,  or  from  provocations  and 
grievous  wrongs,  readers  will  judge  for  themselves.2 

^Metacomet  was  a  man.!  There  are  many  proofs  of  his 
kindly  feelings.  His  influence  often  averted  calamities  from 
entire  settlements.3     Whatever  vices  he  held  were  at  worst 

1  That  the  treatment  which  Indians  received  was  a  barrier  to  their  accept- 
ance of  the  Gospel,  there  is  no  doubt.  It  is,  moreover,  a  very  serious  question  how 
far  the  impression  made  in  early  days  on  the  Indian  mind  contributed  to  difficul- 
ties which  have  ever  since  in  some  degree  existed  between  the  two  races.  It  was 
early  alleged  as  if  conclusive  against  Indians'  capability  of  Christianism,  that  at  a 
certain  time  when  Metacomet  had  heard  Mr.  Eliot  preach  and  listened  attentively 
until  the  religious  services  closed,  he  approached  the  good  missionary,  and  tak- 
ing hold  of  a  button  of  Mr.  Eliot's  coat  said,  M I  do  not  value  the  Gospel  more 
than  that." 

2  Rev.  Dr.  Abiel  Holmes,  of  Cambridge,  has  well  remarked,  "  The  death  of 
the  Sachem  makes  in  retrospect  a  very  different  impression  from  that  it  made  at 
the  time  of  its  event.  It  was  then  considered  the  extinction  of  a  violent  and  im- 
placable enemy ;  it  is  now  viewed  as  the  failure  of  a  great  warrior,  a  penetrating 
statesman,  a  mighty  prince.  It  then  excited  universal  joy  and  congratulation  as 
the  prelude  to  the  close  of  a  merciless  war ;  it  now  awakens  sober  reflection  on 
the  instability  of  empire,  the  peculiar  destiny  of  the  aboriginal  race,  and  the  in- 
scrutable decrees  of  Heaven." 

8  His  friendship  for  the  Browns  and  Leonards  is  proverbial.  That  his  saga- 
cious mind  was  moved  to  tenderness  when  he  heard  of  the  first  shedding  of  blood 
is  evidence  that  he  deprecated  the  sundering  of  the  long  friendship  professed  be- 
tween his  father  and  the  English. 


156  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

those  of  a  native  savage.  No  one  can  deny  that  he  had  also 
virtues  which  might  have  been  advantageously  copied  by 
many  a  professed  Christian.  As  a  chieftain  and  politician  he 
had  talent.     His  record  is  before  us. 

Of  Metacomet's  dead  body  pulled  out  of  the  mud,  the  biog- 
rapher of  Church  has  told  us,  "  A  doleful,  great,  naked,  dirty 
beast  he  looked  like."  It  may  well  be  supposed  that  the 
Sachem  having  had  no  time  that  morning  to  arrange  his 
toilet,  and  having  fallen  in  mire  and  lain  in  his  own  blood, 
did  not  present  a  prepossessing  appearance ;  and  no  doubt  his 
enemies  regarded  him  as  nothing  better  than  a  beast.  But, 
beyond  contradiction,  he  was,  as  has  been  truly  said  of  him, 
"  The  most  illustrious  savage  of  North  America  ;  and  the  most 
powerful  enemy  that  was  ever  encountered  by  English  settlers. 
He  came  near  being  driven  by  persecutions  to  exterminate  the 
entire  English  settlements  from  New  England." 

Captain  Church,,  after  Metacomet's  body  had  been  exposed 
sufficiently  to  satisfy  the  morbid  curiosity  of  all  present,  de- 
creed that  it  remain  unburied,  and  ordered  an  Indian  to  behead 
and  quarter  it.  The  Indian,  standing  with  hatchet  in  hand, 
apostrophized  the  body  in  language  which,  though  shorn  of  its 
vulgarity,  is  not  fit  to  repeat,  and  performed  the  work.  Meta- 
comet  had  a  hand  that  had  been  scarred  by  the  bursting  of  a 
pistol :  that  right  hand  and  the  head  were  given  by  Church  to 
the  apostate  who  had  the  credit  of  making  the  successful  shot. 
They  were  carried  off  as  trophies.1 

The  death  of  the  great  Sachem,  had,  it  was  said,  "  ended 

1  The  Indian  who  exhibited  the  valiant  right  hand,  had,  somehow  imbibed  a 
trait  which  has  been  irreverently  attributed  to  Yankees.  Many  a  penny  did  the 
show  yield  him.  Rev.  I.  Mather  says,  "  The  head  being  cut  off  was  carried  to 
Plymouth;  his  hands  were  brought  to  Boston."  Niles  tells  that  "  Metacomet 
was  cut  in  quarters  which  were  hanged  on  tops  of  trees  by  the  highway." 
Rev.  C.  Mather  is  more  luxuriant,  and  says,  "  The  Indian  shot  him  through  his 
venemous  and  murderous  heart,  and  this,Agag  was  cut  in  quarters  which  were 
hanged  up,  while  his  head  was  carried  to  Plymouth,  where  it  arrived  on  the  very 
day  the  church  was  keeping  solemn  thanksgiving.  God  sent  them  in  the  head  of 
a  leviathan  for  a  thanksgiving  feast."  Felt  and  others  tell  us,  "  The  head  was 
placed  on  a  pole,  where  it  remained  many  years."  Cotton  Mather  writes,  that 
"  upon  a  certain  occasion,  I  myself  took  off  the  jaw  from  the  exposed  skull  of  the 
blasphemous  leviathan."  Rev.  Increase  Mather  luxuriates  by  saying,  "  Thus  did 
God  break  the  head  of  that  leviathan,  and  give  it  to  be  meat  to  the  people  inhab- 
iting the  wilderness." 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  157 

the  war."  But  the  finale  was  not  yet.  "  Man's  inhumanity 
to  man  "  is  a  story  not  to  be  exhausted  yet.  There  came  an 
express  from  Rehoboth,  August  19,  saying  that  "  Anawon, 
Metacomet's  chief  Captain,  is  ranging  about  the  woods,  with 
other  Indians,  and  their  presence  is  a  great  annoyance  to  the 
good  people  of  Rehoboth  and  Swansey."  Captain  Church  was 
sent  for  again. 

Captain  Church  urged  government  to  undertake  another 
expedition.  The  niggardly  compensation  for  previous  services, 
was,  with  the  pecuniary  inducement  offered,  insufficient.1  How- 
ever, Church  determined  to  "hunt  so  long  as  an  Indian  re- 
mained in  the  woods."  Some  "  old  soldiers  were  persuaded  to 
enlist  to  visit  Anawon's  haunts."  Ranging  through  the  woods 
as  far  as  Pocasset,  an  express  reached  them  on  Lord's  day 
morning,  August  20,  stating  that  early  that  morning  a  canoe 
had  passed  from  Prudence  Island  2  to  Poppasquash  Neck.3 
Captain  Church  thinking  he  might  gain  intelligence  of  "  more 
game,"  made  haste  to  surprise  and  capture  all  passers.  "  The 
ferry-boat  gone,  he  employed  canoes,  and  he  with  sixteen 
others  were  carried  over.  The  wind  became  violent,  so  that 
canoes  could  not  be  of  use,  and  the  company  were  separated. 
Captain  Church  concluded  to  visit  the  Neck,  with  the  small 
number  of  Indians  who  alone  remained  ;  possibly  he  might 
catch  some  of  the  enemy." 

By  and  by  Captain  Church  heard  a  gun,  and  a  scout  was 
sent  out  accompanied  by  an  Indian  just  captured.  This  In- 
dian was  conversant  with  the  Neck  and  also  knew  how  to  call 
Indians.4  Ten  Indians  were  captured  who,  it  was  ascertained, 
were  Anawon's  associates.  They  confessed  that  their  families 
were  in  a  contiguous  swamp.  They  also  expressed  opinion 
that  it  would  be  difficult  for  any  one  to  find  Anawon,  inas- 
much as  his  policy  was  "  never  to  roost  twice  in  the  same 
place." 

It  was  questionable  whether  to  pay  him  a  visit.     He  had 

1  The  only  reward  to  soldiers  had  been  a  premium  of  thirty  shillings  per  capita 
for  killed  or  captured.    Tor  Metacomet's  head  the  same  reward  was  given. 

2  In  Narragansett  Bay. 
8  West  side  of  Bristol. 

4  The  "  call "  was  a  secret  signal  or  noise,  agreed  upon  for  the  time  being,  well 
understood  by  all  in  sympathy. 


158  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

the  reputation  of  being  a  great  warrior,  and  proved  himself 
valiant  as  long  as  Massasoit  lived.  Captain  Church  was 
aware  of  Anawon's  skill  in  warfare,  and  of  his  unbending  reso- 
lution. It  was  also  well  understood  that  some  of  Metacomet's 
best  soldiers  were  with  Anawon,  and  that  he  had  repeatedly 
declared  he  would  never  be  taken  alive. 


CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

An  Indian  captive  was  requested  by  Captain  Church  to  lead 
the  way  to  Anawon's  abode.  He  was  also  invited  to  take  a 
gun,  and  fight  for  the  English.  The  Indian  bowed  low ;  but 
entreated  that  no  such  hardship  be  imposed,  "Pardon  me 
from  taking  up  arms  against  my  old  friends." 

A  prisoner  brought  in  the  day  previous  requested  permission 
to  bring  in  his  aged  father  from  a  swamp  about  four  miles  off ; 
his  father  had  one  squaw  only  with  him.  This,  with  numer- 
ous instances  of  reverence  and  affection,  permits  no  doubt  that 
Indians,  children  of  nature,  possessed  all  the  finest  feelings  that 
adorn  humanity. 

An  old  Indian  was  guide.  But  he  travelled  so  swiftly  that 
he  kept  ahead  and  almost  out  of  sight.  Whenever,  looking 
over  his  shoulder,  he  saw  that  Captain  Church  and  company 
were  far  behind,  he  would  slacken  pace  until  they  came  near. 
The  sun  about  to  set,  the  Indian  halted  and  sat  down.  Church 
coming  up,  the  guide  said,  "  Now  is  the  time  when  Captain 
Anawon  sends  out  his  scouts.  He  does  it  to  see  if  the  coast 
be  clear.  Soon  as  it  has  grown  dark,  the  scouts  will  return  to 
camp.  We  will  sit  still  until  dark.  After  that  we  may  move 
on  securely."  Twilight  ended,  the  old  Indian  was  on  his  feet 
again  ;  it  was  the  signal  for  moving  on. 

Soon  Captain  Church  heard  what  proved  to  be  the  sound  of 
pounding  in  a  mortar.  Looking  around  he  saw  that  the  guide 
had  given  truthful  description  of  Anawon's  location,  and  of 
the  difficulty  of  getting  to  it.  He,  with  two  Indians,  crept 
silently  to  the  edge  of  the  rocks,  and  gained  a  full  view  of  the 
camp.  They  saw,  by  the  light  of  the  Indian  fires,  that  there 
were  three  coteries  a  little  apart.1     Anawon  lay  nearest  the 

1  The  retreat  was  in  the  southeast  part  of  Rehohoth  near  the  Taunton  line, 
and  is  known  as  "  Anawon's  Rock."  The  ledge,  a  series  of  ragged  cliffs,  is  exten- 
sive on  the  south  and  west.    The  swamp  embraced  3,000  acres. 


160  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

cliff ;  and  had  constructed  his  encampment  by  felling  a  large 
tree  by  the  side  of  the  cliff,  and  by  setting  a  row  of  birch  limbs 
against  the  fallen  tree.  By  the  side  of  these  preparations,  he 
and  son,  and  some  of  his  chiefs,  had  taken  lodging.  Around 
the  camp  were  fires  before  which  were  meats  on  spits  and  in 
kettles.  Guns  were  stacked,  and  mats  shielded  them  from 
dew.  Anawon's  feet  and  his  boy's  head  almost  touched  the 
guns. 

But,  although  all  was  so  clearly  in  view  of  Captain  Church 
and  his  Indians,  it  was  a  question  how  to  descend ;  the  rocks 
were  so  precipitous,  it  seemed  possible  only  by  aid  of  bushes 
growing  in  crevices  of  the  ledge.  The  Indian  guide  averred 
that  there  was  no  possibility  of  entering  by  any  other  way.  In 
this  dilemma,  the  old  guide  and  his  daughter  were  ordered  to 
lead ;  Church  and  soldiers  were  to  follow.  It  was  arranged 
that  the  guide  and  his  daughter  take  baskets,  that,  if  discov- 
ered, there  might  be  less  mistrust.  Captain  Church  and  his 
daring  associates  followed  close,  with  guns  and  hatchets  in 
hand,  partially  screened  by  the  shadow  of  the  guide  and  his 
daughter.  Captain  Church  stepped  over  the  boy's  head,  and 
quickly  seized  the  stack  of  guns.  Anawon  awoke,  and  start- 
ing up  in  a  sitting  posture,  called  out  "  Howak." 1  Young 
Anawon,  opening  his  eyes  and  seeing  what  had  happened,  in- 
stantly pulled  his  blanket  over  his  head  and  drew  himself  into 
a  heap.  Old  Anawon  threw  himself  on  his  back  and,  for  some 
time,  remained  motionless  and  reticent.  Captain  Church  and 
his  helpers  secured  the  guns  and  captured  the  near  attendants. 
Indian  soldiers  were  dispatched  to  the  remoter  clubs  in  camp, 
instructed  to  proclaim,  "  Anawon  is  taken,"  and  to  promise 
"  good  quarter  to  all  who  surrender  quietly."  2 

The  surprise  being  thus  far  successful,  Captain  Church  in- 
quired of  Anawon,  "  What  have  you  for  breakfast  ?  I  am  come 
to  eat  with  you."     Anawon,  "  in  a  big  voice,"  replied  "  Tau- 

1  The  interpretation  is  doubtful.  Some  render  the  word  Howak,  "  Who 's 
there!  "  others  say  it  means  "  I 'm  taken  ! "  Anawon,  just  aroused  from  sleep, 
evidently  was  bewildered  and  supposed  himself  surrounded  by  irresistible  force. 

2  The  Indians  entrusted  with  the  message  being  old  acquaintances,  and  in  fact 
some  to  whom  they  went  being  near  relatives,  the  message  was  weighty  and  effect- 
ual.   All  surrendered  and  gave  up  their  arms. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  161 

bot  f  "  1  and  then,  looking  toward  his  women  gave  orders  to 
prepare  refreshments  for  his  guests.  Turning  to  Church,  he 
inquired,  "  Which  would  you  prefer,  cow-beef,  or  horse  ?  "  All 
was  30on  ready,  and  Church,  having  in  his  pocket  a  paper  of 
salt,  seasoned  his  broiled  steak  and  made  a  hearty  meal.2 

When  the  meal  was  over,  Captain  Church  directed  his  In- 
dians more  fully.  They  were  to  certify  to  the  occupants  of 
the  encampment,  "  the  death  of  Metacomet,"  and  inform  them 
that  "all  Indians  on  Mount  Hope  Neck  were  captured, 
but  that  the  lives  of  all  would  be  spared  on  promise  of  sub- 
jection."3 Indians  present  were  to  be  told  that  they  would 
be  "  marched  to  Taunton  and  there  meet  friends.  As  to  Ana- 
won,  he  must  be  carried  to  Plymouth,  but  will  be  recom- 
mended to  the  favor  of  Government." 

Captain  Church  tried  now  to  rest,  but  was  wakeful,  whilst 
his  own  and  Anawon's  men  were  generally  asleep.  The  two 
captains  lay  a  long  time  silent,  looking  at  each  other.  Church 
did  not  speak,  because  he  supposed  that  Anawon  was  unable 
to  understand  English,  as  he  was  to  speak  Indian.  By  and  by 
Anawon  got  up,  threw  his  blanket  aside,  and  walked  out  of 
sight  or  hearing.  Church  became  uneasy,  and  his  fears  in- 
creased as  the  absence  was  prolonged.  He  drew  all  the  guns 
close  to  himself,  and  took  position  close  by  the  side  of  young 
Anawon.  He  thought  "  if  the  old  Sachem  is  meditating  evil, 
he  cannot  shoot  me  without  endangering  the  boy."  Waiting  in 
painful  suspense,  footsteps,  in  the  direction  Anawon  had  gone, 
were  heard,  and  in  light  of  moon  now  shining  brightly,  the 
old  Sachem  was  seen  returning  with  hands  full.  Seating  him- 
self by  the  side  of  Captain  Church,  Anawon,  to  the  astonish- 
ment of  Church,  spake  in  good  English,  and  proceeded  to 
invest  Church  with  the  treasures  he  had  been  to  fetch.  The 
substance  of   his   speech  was,  "  You  have  killed  our  Great 

1  The  interpretation  of  this  word  also,  is  doubtful.  Some  render  it  "  Thank 
you ;  "  some  say  it  means  "  Very  well." 

2  Captain  Church  has  told  us,  in  addition  to  his  mention  of  Anawon's  enter- 
tainment, that  one  item  of  the  breakfast,  was  "  hot  cakes  made  from  the  corn 
which  a  woman  had  been  heard  reducing  to  meal  "  whilst  Mr.  Church  was  work- 
ing his  way  down  the  ledge.  He  suggests  that  the  pounding  contributed  to  his 
success.     When  it  was  resumed,  he  and  company  could  move  with  impunity. 

8  Keference  is  here  made  to  the  capture,  the  day  previous,  of  those  Indians  sent 
to  Poppasquash  in  search  of  provisions. 
11 


162  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

Sachem,  and  have  conquered  his  country.  My  company  here 
in  camp,  and  myself,  are  the  last  remaining.  These  things 
belong  to  you."  Thus  saying,  he  opened  a  pack  and  dis- 
played Metacomet's  belt  curiously  wrought  in  black  and 
white  wampum,  having  on  it  pictures  of  beasts,  birds,  flowers, 
etc.1 

The  day  and  evening  were  now  passed  in  lively  conversa- 
tion ;  Ana  won  rehearsing  early  exploits  dating  back  to  the 
day  when  he  first  served  Massasoit  in  war.  But  in  the 
whole  interview,  the  great  Captain  of  Metacomet  discreetly 
refrained  from  any  allusion  to  achievements  bearing  on  the 
colonies. 

At  break  of  day,  September  12,  Captain  Church  marched 
with  all  his  prisoners  towards  Taunton,  where  they  were  re- 
ceived amid  great  rejoicing.  The  prisoners  were  most  of 
them  sent  to  Plymouth.  The  next  day,  Captain  Church  pro- 
ceeded, with  six  Indian  soldiers,  to  Rhode  Island,  and  took 
with  him  Anawon. 

1  "Hung  on  Church's  shoulders,  the  helt  reached  to  his  feet.  It  was  nine 
inches  broad.  This  belt,  with  other  ornaments,  as  tradition  says,  was  sent  by 
the  Governor  of  Plymouth,  to  England,  in  1677.  Another  belt  wrought  in  like 
elaborate  manner,  hood-shaped  and  intended  for  state  occasions,  had  pictured  on 
the  part  which  covered  the  breast,  a  star." 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

After  all,  Indians  were  not  yet  exterminated.  Captain 
Church,  on  going  with  his  wife,  children,  and  Anawon,  to 
Plymouth,  was  told  of  Indians  haunting  the  woods  between 
Plymouth  and  Sippecan.  He  tracked  them,  and  scouts  re- 
turned saying  they  had  discovered  the  enemy  sitting  around 
fires,  in  a  dense  thicket.  On  reaching  the  place,  Captain 
Church  ordered  his  men  to  creep  silently  until  near  the  enemy, 
and  then  rise  suddenly  and  run  upon  them,  taking  if  possible 
all  alive,  a  thing  to  be  desired  now,  inasmuch  as  prisoners  were 
the  pay.  About  fifty  Indians  were  captured.  They  agreed 
in  their  account  of  themselves;  all  belonged  to  Tispaquin, 
who,  with  John  Bump  and  another  Indian,  was  gone  to  Aga- 
wam  and  Sippecan  to  get  horse-beef. 

Captain  Church  returned  to  Plymouth,  carrying  with  him 
his  prisoners,  with  the  exception  of  two  old  squaws,  whom  he 
instructed  to  remain  in  place  until  Tispaquin's  return,  and 
tell  him  that  Captain  Church  had  been  there  and  captured 
the  whole  company,  including  the  wife  and  children  of  the 
Chief,  and  that  he  had  carried  them  all  to  Plymouth.  The 
two  squaws  were  directed  to  tell  Tispaquin  that  the  captured 
would  have  life  spared,  and  that  he  himself  would  be  safe, 
coming  in  and  bringing  the  rest  of  his  people.  Furthermore, 
Tispaquin  was  to  be  assured  that  all  his  able-bodied  men 
would  be  accepted  as  soldiers. 

Notwithstanding  the  desolations  caused  by  promiscuous 
slaughter,  starvation,  sickness,  and  the  slave-business  vigor- 
ously prosecuted,  small  parties  of  Indians  were  strolling  about 
here  and  there  in  search  of  food.  As  often  as  discovered,  they 
were  destroyed  or  enslaved.  Some,  completely  dispirited, 
came  in  of  their  own  accord,  as  if  willing  to  settle  at  once  the 


V 


164  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

question  of  life  or  death,  by  throwing  themselves  on  the  mer- 
cies of  the  merciless.  If  any  yet  remained  out,  they  became 
victims  of  a  hunt.1 

It  cannot  be  supposed  that  there  was  any  longer  a  veritable 
state  of  war.  A  new  commission  was,  however,  issued  to 
Captain  Church,2  who  returned  to  Plymouth  after  leaving 
provisions  with  the  two  squaws  detained  at  the  place  of  their 
capture.  That  same  day,  Tispaquin  and  all  his  men  gave 
themselves  up.3 

We  are  obliged  to  record  here,  to  the  dishonor  of  all  con- 
cerned, a  most  infamous  transaction,  viz. :  that  notwithstand- 
ing the  circumstances  of  Tispaquin's  surrender,  the  too-con- 
fiding Chieftain  was,  by  order  of  Government,  beheaded  ! 4 

Anawon,  and  other  noted  Indians,  shared  the  same  fate. 
Their  heads  were  cut  off !  What  honorable  mind  does  not 
condemn  such  infamous  butchery !  These  Indians  were  sub- 
dued ;  it  was  not  necessary  to  make  an  example  of  them  to 
deter  others.5     Were  the  contest   not  virtually  ended,  such 


1  "Judge  Davis  "  pays :  "  Indian  prisoners  were  treated  with  great  severity, 
especially  those  who  were  at  all  distinguished.  Generally  they  were  condemned 
to  slavery  and  sold.  Not  a  few  were  executed  at  Plymouth  or  in  Boston 
Prisoners  were  generally  sent  to  the  Bermudas.  A  rigid  superintendence  was 
systematically  maintained  over  those  who  remained  after  hostilities  ceased." 

2  This  commission  authorized  and  requested  Captain  Church  to  "  scour  the 
woods  for  the  lurking  enemy."  He  went  accordingly  in  1677,  accompanied  "  by 
gentlemen  and  amateurs  in  hunting  Indians."     Slavery  was  not  now  simply  in- 

t/  V  evitable ;  it  virtually  comprehended  banishment,  for  an  order  of  Council  decreed 
that  "  no  male  Indian  over  fourteen  years  old  shall  reside  in  this  government." 

8  Tispaquin  had  been  distinguished  as  a  Chief  whom  they  thought  no  bul- 
lets could  pierce.  Captain  Church  had  remarked,  "  Since  war  is  like  to  break 
out  in  the  Eastern  country,  I  want  Tispaquin  to  be  saved  to  fight  the  Taran- 
tines." 

4  Tispaquin's  surrender  was  not  only  voluntary,  but  influenced  chiefly  by  rep- 
resentations and  promises  made  by  Church.  The  Chief  had,  no  doubt,  become 
weary  of  resistance,  and  had  long  felt  that  no  good  object  could  be  attained  by 
prolonging  his  wanderings  and  privations.  Moreover,  a  natural  desire  to  be  with 
his  wife  and  children  had,  probably,  influence. 

6  An  apology  has  been  attempted  in  behalf  of  Church  by  his  son  and  biog- 
rapher, telling  that  his  "  father  being  in  Boston  to  confer  with  Gov.  Leverett 
upon  latet  ransactions,  found  to  his  grief  that  the  heads  of  Tispaquin,  Anawon, 
and  others,  who  were  the  last  of  Metacomet's  friends,  had  been  cut  off." 

Judge  Davis  says  of  Anawon  :  "  He  was  far  advanced  in  years,  and  had  been 
Chief  Councillor  in  the  time  of  Massasoit.  There  was  a  dignity  and  decorum  in 
his  demeanor,  impressing  one  in  his  favor,  and  inducing  a  wish  that  he  had  been 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  165 

barbarous  vindictiveness  and  bad  faith  could  have  no  better 
effect  than  to  afflict  and  exasperate  surviving  Indians. 

What  became  of  all  New-England  Indians,  finally,  is  a 
subject  for  serious  thought. 

Hubbard,  says :  "  The  Almighty  made  use  of  Indians  to 
scourge  His  people ;  but  turned  His  own  hand  against  In- 
dians to  their  utter  destruction  and  extirpation  from  the  face 
of  the  earth,  peradventure  to  make  room  for  His  people  to 
come  in  their  stead." 

A  writer  of  same  date  remarks  :  "  The  Indians  being  dis- 
persed, confounded,  and  one  after  another  destroyed,  there 
were  none  left  in  the  western  or  southern  parts  of  New  Eng- 
land." 

A  proclamation  issued  by  General  Court,  ordered  the  whole 
people  to  "  glorify  God  that  of  the  several  tribes  which  have 
risen  up  against  us,  there  now  scarcely  remains  a  family  or 
name  of  them  within  their  former  habitations."  1 

That  the  Indians  faded  away  and  disappeared  is  confirmed 
by  history  ;  but  the  precise  manner  none  can  in  all  instances 
define.  Indians  supposed  to  have  gone  westward,  reappeared 
singly  now  and  then,  yearning  for  their  early  homes,  despite 
the  fear  that  they  would  pay  dearly  for  such  temerity.2     A 

spared."  Mr.  Drake,  whom  we  always  name  with  respect,  not  only  for  his 
faithful  investigations  and  careful  recital  of  events,  as  also  for  his  truthful  com- 
ments on  the  enormity  of  Indian  wrongs,  says  of  the  execution  of  Anawon  and 
others,  "  It  is  a  foul  stain  on  the  Plymouth  government."  \ 

1  An  eminent  jurist  has  well  remarked,  "That  God  should  be  glorified  as  the    v 
author  of  wrongs  which  professing  Christians  heaped  upon  pagan  humanity,  is 
preposterous  and  wicked." 

2  Hubbard  tells  of  "  a  large  party  going  westward,  whom  Major  Talcott  pur- 
sued over  the  mountains,  killing  or  capturing  forty-five,  of  whom  twenty-five 
were  fighting  men."  Others  were  "  sorely  wounded,  as  was  evidenced  by  bushes 
besmeared  with  blood."  Hubbard  says,  "  Nipmucks,  Nashaways,  or  Springfield 
Indians,  I  am  not  so  certain  what  became  of  them."  Major  Pynchon  wrote 
from  Springfield,  August  15  :  "  Nearly  two  hundred  Indians  were  seen  at  West, 
field ;  a  slight  attack  was  made  upon  them,  but  they  were  so  numerous  that  the 
people  dare  not  engage  them.  They  were  making  for  the  Hudson."  Hubbard 
informs  us  further  of  "  intelligence  from  Albany  that  about  sixty  were  killed 
and  one  hundred  and  twenty  died  of  sickness."  Talcott  is  reported  as  "  destroy- 
ing Indian  stores  of  corn  at  Quaboag,  and  pursuing  the  fugitives  who  crossed 
the  Connecticut.  Some  were  surprised  and  taken,  the  rest  escaped  to  the  wilder- 
ness."   Mention  also  is  made  by  historians,  of  Nashaways,  "  repairing  to  Pis- 


,/ 


166  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

prominent  part  of  the  heart-sickening  drama,  was,  as  history- 
tells, "  a  bitter  contention  of  Colonists  for  shares  in  the  con- 
quered territory. 

cataqua  to  shelter  themselves,"  and  a  story  is  told  of  "  six  or  eight  ringleaders, 
such  as  One-eyed  John,  Sagamore  Sam,  and  others,  sent  to  Boston,  where  they 
had  justice  done  them." 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

Metacomet  was  denominated  a  savage.  Records  made  by 
his  enemies  prove  that  he  was  a  MAN,  and  moreover  show  that 
he  was  possessed  of  humane,  generous,  and  noble  attributes. 
There  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  his  administration  of  affairs 
would  have  been  less  pacific  than  was  that  of  Massasoit,  who 
might  easily  have  crushed  the  embryo  colony  had  he  been  so 
disposed. 

That  the  very  worst  thought  of  Metacomet,  the  execution 
of  which  he  ever  attempted,  was  to  prevent  the  occupancy 
and  absorption  of  his  entire  domain  and  the  complete  humil- 
iation and  extinction  of  his  race,  needs  no  demonstration  be- 
yond the  facts  furnished  by  the  colonists  themselves.  They 
were  chroniclers  not  only  of  their  own  doings,  but  of  what  they 
chose  to  say  of  Indians.  It  is  clearly  apparent  that  Meta- 
comet's  one  crime  was  his  patriotism. 

Well-informed  and  evenly  balanced  minds  early  looked  with 
disapproval  and  sorrow  on  the  course  of  oppression  and  exter- 
mination practiced  towards  Indians ;  and,  during  the  progress 
of  the  war,  many  good  people  reviewed  its  causes.  Hutchin- 
son was,  perhaps,  severe  on  the  magistrates,  in  his  intimation 
that  they  "executed  laws  for  their  own  profit;"  but  "the 
Government  of  Massachusetts  "  declared  "  there  are  great  evils 
for  which  God  hath  given  the  heathen  permission  to  rise  up 
against  us."  That  eminent  man,  Judge  Davis,  of  Boston, 
originating  in  Plymouth,  and  not  to  be  suspected  of  lack  of 
impartiality,  has  said :  "  Laws  and  rules  for  the  government 
of  Indians  were  frequently  made  and  enforced  before  the  war. 
Requirements  abridging  the  cherished  freedom  of  the  children 
of  the  forest,  and  interfering  with  their  habits  and  customs, 
V*  were  a  constant  source  of  irritation.     Many  symptoms  of  dis- 


168  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

content  were  apparent  long  before  war,  and  of  resentments  that 
gradually  ripened  into  invincible  prejudices  and  disgust."  1 

The  whole  testimony  to  which  alone  we  must  look  to  learn 
what  were  opinions,  feelings,  or  practices,  of  colonists,  or  In- 
dians, ex  parte  though  it  necessarily  be,  gives  irrefutable  and 
incontestable  evidence  in  support  of  these  views.  Indians  had 
no  means,  except  tradition,  of  transmitting  to  future  times  the 
story  of  their  grievances  or  a  record  of  their  honor.  The  stern 
disapproval  of  a  popular  mania  which  might  not  be  resisted, 
could  not,  at  all  times,  be  so  much  as  spoken.  Discretion 
muffled  the  tongue,  discouraged  the  pen,  and  forbade  all  ap- 
pearance of  opposition.  Expediency  had  much  to  do  in  all 
questions,  whether  touching  Indian  rights,  the  demands  of 
morality,  and  even  humanity. 

It  ought  surely  to  be  considered  that  some  traits  which  have 
been  chief  ornaments  of  humanity,  pertained  to  Indians.  The 
writer's  duty  is,  not  to  proclaim,  even  with  sorrow,  errors  of 
the  first  settlers ;  but  it  belongs  to  him  to  tell  in  fairness  the 
whole  story.  It  has  been  said  in  extenuation  of  the  severities 
of  the  early  settlers,  that  "  safety  required  the  extermination 
of  Aborigines."  Such  a  course  was,  if  the  allegation  be  true, 
a  sad  alternative. 

A  retrospect  of  early  times  forcibly  impresses  one's  mind. 
We  see  cause  for  both  thankfulness  and  humiliation.  Pow- 
erful nations  once  inhabiting  New  England's  territory  have 
passed  away.  Time  and  man's  doings  have  wrought  great 
changes.  Such  is  the  instability  of  earth.  We  remain.  But 
who  does  not  wish  that  changes  in  the  population  of  our  coun- 
try had  followed  only  undoubtedly  righteous  attempts  to  plant 
and  establish  us  ! 

This  record  of  Anglo-Saxon  triumphs  and  Indian  sufferings 
would  close  at  this  place  were  it  not  that  effects  of  war  and 
the  spirit  of  conquest  long  indulged,  require  that  before  dis- 
missing the  subject  of  our  narrative,  we  glance  briefly  at  a 
state  of  things  existing  in  other  parts  of  our  country,  which 
bear  date  subsequent  to  what  has  been  called  Metacomet's 


1  Vide  Davis'  Morton's  Memorial. 

2  Massasoit's  friendship  for  the  early  settlers  of  New  Plymouth,  accomplished 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  169 

Metacomet  had  ceased  to  be :  his  head  was  empaled ;  his 
valiant  right  hand  had  been  exhibited,  a  penny-a-sight,  so  long 
as  the  putrefying  spectacle  was  possible ;  and  his  quartered 
body  was  suspended  from  road-side  boughs.  But  the  Great 
Sachem's  name  and  influence  still  survived.  If  there  were  no 
more  nations  to  be  blotted  out,  there  were  offenders  who  must 
be  punished.  It  was  declared  that  from  the  date  of  the  break- 
ing out  of  hostilities  between  the  Plymouth  Colony  and  the 
Indians,  the  people  called  Tarantines,  alias  Eastern  Indians, 
whose  seat  was  by  the  waters  of  Casco  Bay,  had  insulted  the 
settlers  of  New  Hampshire  and  Province  of  Maine.  It  was 
now  "  judged  expedient  to  chastise  these  Indians." 

An  armed  force  was  sent  from  Boston,  ordered  to  "  seize  all 
who  have  been  concerned  in  the  war."  These  Boston  com- 
panies were  joined  at  Dover  by  forces  under  Major  Waldron, 
who  induced  four  hundred  warriors  to  come  together  "  to  make 
peace."  When  convened  ostensibly  for  this  purpose,  and 
whilst  his  guests,  they  were  surrounded  and  made  prisoners  ! 
This  perfidy  was  perpetrated  September  6,  1766.  It  was,  of 
course,  neither  forgiven  or  forgotten.  Waldron  knew  many 
of  his  victims  to  have  been,  until  this  act,  friends  to  the  Eng- 
lish. The  treachery  led  Indians  to  cherish,  thenceforward, 
thirst  for  revenge.1  Mr.  Belknap  tells  us  that  "  this  thirst 
was  soon  gratified.  Waldron  fell  into  their  hands,  and  was 
put  to  torture  and  death ;  he  had  sowed  the  seeds  of  iniquity 
and  a  just  God  permitted  him  to  reap  the  harvest."  Govern- 
ment had  its  hands  full  of  work  to  be  done,  and  the  only  glory 
acquired  was  Waldron's  treachery.     The  only  pretense  for  all 

nothing  for  his  successors.      That  memorable  saying  of  Cotton  Mather  has, 
through  centuries,  been  on  record:   "  'Twas  not  unto  a  Delphos,  but  unto  a 
Shiloh,  that  the  planters  of  New  England  have  been  making  progress ;   and  v 
King  Philip  is  not  the  only  Python  that  has  obstructed  their  passage." 

1  The  two  Massachusetts'  companies  were  largely  made  up  of  those  called 
"  praying  Indians."  Certain  officers  wished  to  attack  the  Eastern  Indians  whilst 
imprisoned.  Major  Waldron  was  not,  however,  quite  equal  to  such  villainy,  and 
therefore  substituted  a  stratagem.  He  proposed  to  the  Indians  a  sham-fight,  with 
blank  cartridges,  and  offered  to  them  the  honor  of  firing  the  first  volley.  This,  if 
accepted,  would  at  the  onset  disload  their  guns,  and  safely  prepare  the  way  to 
proclaim  the  Indians  prisoners  of  war.  This  done,  about  two  hundred  were 
sent  to  Boston  to  be  sold  and  transported  to  foreign  parts,  and  six  were  hung 
as  ringleaders. 


170  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

the  baseness  was  that  "Indians  had  participated  in  Metaco- 
met's  coalition."  1 

Besides  intercepting  boats  on  rivers  and  bays,  by  which 
Tarantines  obtained  a  great  amount  of  various  plunder,  depre- 
dations on  dwellings  and  stores  furnished  ammunition  and 
strong  drink.  People  were  carried  captive  from  Casco  Bay ; 
houses  were  burned  at  Saco,  at  Scarborough,  and  at  Kittery. 
Lieutenant  Plaisted  and  company  were  defeated  and  de- 
stroyed ;  and  at  Oyster  River,  Salmon  Falls,  Dover,  Exeter, 
and  elsewfiere,  the  work  of  desolation  progressed,  —  houses, 
barns,  and  mills  disappearing  before  devouring  flames. 

The  ensuing  winter  another  expedition  was  undertaken. 
A  body  of  men  sailed  from  Boston  to  Casco  Bay.  Nothing 
worthy  of  honorable  men  was  done.  Indians  were  thoroughly 
incensed.  Their  cause  grew  stronger  and  stronger.  The 
General  Court  seeing  how  patriotic  and  desperate  the  Taran- 
tines were  driven  to  be,  and  that  any  success  of  English  arms 
had  no  better  effect  than  to  remove  the  prospect  of  peace, 
entered  upon  a  discussion  of  the  propriety  and  expediency  of 
asking  the  cooperation  of  Mohawks!2  The  Mohawks  were 
at  peace  with  Eastern  Indians ;  and,  as  was  well  known,  the 
two  peoples  cherished  hereditary  enmities. 

Some  members  of  the  Court  raised  a  question  of  right,  and 
it  was  well  that  they  did ;  for,  aside  from  the  question  of 
honor,  the  attempted  alliance  was  doomed  to  disgrace  and  dis- 
aster. Its  effect  was  to  alienate  from  the  cause  of  colonists 
all  the  natives  of  the  Eastern  Country.  Combatants  spread 
along  the  whole  sea-board,  threatening  destruction  and  death. 
It  became  a  matter  of  serious  inquiry,  "  What  are  the  things 
which  have  provoked  God  to  bring  His  judgments  on  this 
people  ?  " 

The   people   ought   not   to   be  censured  for  agitating  the 

1  "Eastern  Indians  had,  many  years,  complained  of  abuses  by  sailors  and 
traders ;  but  had  always  carried  it  fair,  and  had  good  correspondence  with  the 
English  until  the  news  of  Metacomet's  rebellion."  So  writes  Mr.  Hubbard,  who 
adds  :  "  The  effect  of  this  intelligence  was,  in  course  of  time,  a  general  uprising ; 
plantations  were  deserted  by  their  former  inhabitants." 

2  Mohawks,  sometimes  called  Mohogs,  and  sometimes  Modocs,  were  a  saga- 
cious and  powerful  people ;  but  their  well-known  traits,  of  which  all  Indians 
were  aware,  made  the  policy  of  courting  their  cooperation  questionable. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  171 

question,  nor  for  concerting  means  to  secure  a  return  of  the 
smiles  of  Heaven.  Certain  conclusions  at  which  they  arrived 
are,  however,  remarkable.  They  thought  it  strange  that, 
among  sins  confessed  as  constituting  the  aggregate  of  causes 
of  existing  calamities,  "  toleration  of  Quakers  "  was  not  men- 
tioned as  "  an  evil  largely  increasing  the  divine  displeas- 
ure." 1 

Another  expedition  was  started  from  Boston,  with  orders 
to  capture,  the  stores  of  the  enemy.  To  cripple  the  resources 
of  Indians,  had  long  since  become  a  leading  aim  of  colonists. 
The  forces  disembarked  at  Scarborough  ;  and  there,  at  Black 
Point,  was  fought  the  first  pitched  battle  in  New  England 
between  English  and  Indians.  The  English  suffered  defeat.2 
The  Tarantines  followed  success  by  capturing  twenty  fishing 
vessels.     Events  made  Indians  masters  of  the  Province.3 

The  prime  minister  of  the  Tarantines,  was,  at  this  time,  a 
noted  Chief  whose  name  was  Mugg.  He  visited  Piscataqua, 
in  the  interests  of  peace,  and  subsequently  went  to  Boston, 
where,  in  behalf  of  Madocowando  4  and  Cherberihna,  Sachehis 

1  This  was  a  day  when  developments  of  the  times  were  extraordinary.  A  let- 
ter from  Reverend  Increase  Mather  to  Mr.  Cotton,  suggests  that  even  women 
had  become  merciless  :  "  On  the  last  Sabbath,  the  women  of  Marblehead,  coming 
out  of  the  meeting-house,  fell  on  two  Indians  brought  in  as  captives  ;  and,  in  a 
tumultuous  way,  barbarously  murdered  them.  Doubtless,  if  Indians  hear  of  it 
captives  among  them  will  be  served  accordingly."  Mr.  Mather  may  be,  at  times, 
uncharitable  in  his  prognostics.  The  Indians  who  were  slaughtered  by  women 
in  Marblehead,  were,  so  far  as  appears,  innocent  of  crime.  Fishermen  may,  at 
some  time,  have  been  slain  by  Indians  ;  but  there  was  nothing  tangible  to  justify 
the  vengeance  wreaked  by  these  females  just  from  the  house  of  prayer. 

2  "  The  loss  in  this  battle  was  to  the  English,  killed  or  wounded,  sixty  men, 
the  commander  included." 

8  At  different  periods  of  Indian  wars,  and  particularly  after  considerable  suc- 
cesses by  colonists,  it  was  said,  u  the  war  is  ended ; "  but  former  provocations 
and  their  remembrance,  generally  continued  long  to  yield  bitter  fruits.  The 
honorable  use  of  victory,  by  a  people  called  savage,  might  with  prosperity  have 
made  their  antagonists  hang  their  heads  for  shame.  As  soon  as  unmolested, 
the  war-whoop  generally  ceased,  and  the  tomahawk  was  buried.  In  the  in- 
stance now  before  us,  Indians  set  an  example  of  magnanimity,  and  showed  eleva- 
tion of  soul,  never  learned  from  practices  or  precepts  of  an  enemy  ;  they  restored 
all  captured  vessels,  and  also  released  a  large  number  of  prisoners,  —  reserving 
only  a  few  M  until  peace  shall  be  finally  assured." 

*  Charlevoix  calls  him  Matawondo.  In  later  years  this  chief  was  found  fight- 
ing with  the  French. 


• 


/ 


172  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

of  Penobscot,  he  entered  into  a  treaty  with  the  Governor.1 
The  colonists  had  prolonged  the  war  three  years  beyond 
Metacomet's  decease,  and  were  now  glad  to  resort  to  a  final 
and  honorable  adjustment.  The  treaty  was  dated  November 
13,  1676.  That  was  a  proud  day  for  gallant  Tarantines 
when  Englishmen  were  heard  begging  permission  to  occupy 
former  habitations  and  pay  tribute.2 

1  Hutchinson  says  :  "  This  was  the  first  treaty  with  Eastern  Indians,  and  no 
mention  is  here  made  of  subjection  to  Colony  or  king ;  but  the  Indians  are  free 
and  independent."     "  A  paper  was  drawn  with  due  formality,  and  the  English 
agreed  to  pay  annual  tribute."    It  has  been  said  by  the  candid,  that  "  this  was    V 
the  first  fair  and  honorable  treaty  the  colonists  ever  made." 

2  An  incident  related  in  Stone's  Life  of  Brant,  may  pertinently  occupy  a  place 
here,-  as  exhibiting  an  instance  of  Indian  shrewdness  and  honor.  General 
Herkimer,  of  New  York  in  olden  times,  had  made  arrangements  for  a  talk.  The 
Indian  Chief,  Thayendeuega,  being  suspicious  of  intended  treachery,  dispatched 
a  runner  to  the  encampment  of  General  Herkimer  to  demand  the  object  of  his 
visit.  The  answer  returned  was,  "  General  Herkimer  is  come  to  see  and  talk 
with  his  brother."  General  Herkimer  was  accompanied  by  a  numerous  force ; 
but  agreement  was  made  for  the  two  parties  to  take  position  at  a  shed  impro- 
vised two  miles  distant,  about  midway.  Preliminaries  arranged,  Thayendenega 
promptly  presented  himself  at  the  place  designated,  already  in  occupancy  of 
General  Herkimer,  near  the  edge  of  the  forest.  His  salutations  were  duly  recog- 
nized and  he  asked,  "  Why  am  I  thus  honored !  "  General  Herkimer  again  re- 
plied. The  Indian  said,  sarcastically,  "  You  are  kind.  All  you  and  your  men 
want,  is  to  see  and  talk  with  me  !  "  Standing  forth  with  dignity,  Thayendenega 
proclaimed,  "  You  are  in  my  power.  I  have  five  hundred  braves  around  me 
ready  for  battle."  The  war-whoop  sounded  and  in  an  instant  a  multitude 
painted  and  ready  for  onslaught,  stood  forth.  Scorning  duplicity,  the  Indian 
immediately  said  to  General  Herkimer,  "  I  will  take  no  advantage.  But  I  advise 
you  to  return  immediately  home.  Accept  my  thanks  for  your  visit.  I  may  per- 
haps some  day  visit  you." 

This  was  the  last  conference.  Conviction  fastened  on  Indian  minds  that 
treachery  is  an  attribute  of  white  men.     The  sequel  was  not  long  in  coming. 

It  may  be  remembered  that  Brant  was  son  of  Thayendenega,  who  was  head  of 
the  Six  Nations.  A  council  of  these  Nations,  recently,  1878,  voted  a  large  sum 
of  money  to  erect  a  monument  to  Brant's  memory,  in  the  pleasant  town  of 
Thayendenega.  "  This  people  have  advanced  rapidly  in  civilization.  Placed  on 
their  reservation  1873,  they  now  own  4,000  acres  of  good  land  fenced  and  under 
cultivation,  with  comfortable  tenements.  Each  person  has  about  eight  acres,  be- 
ing, in  the  aggregate,  120  of  wheat  and  175  of  corn.  They  have  237  neat  cattle, 
cut  140  tons  of  hay,  and  have  abundance  of  poultry,  etc.  Fifty-nine  of  their 
children  attend  school.  This  evidence  of  capacity  for  pursuits  of  civilized  life  is 
peculiarly  gratifying,  coming  from  a  people  formerly  stigmatized  "  murderous 
Modocs." 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Such  as  have  been  related  in  previous  pages,  were  Indian 
wars  of  Massachusetts  under  its  first  charter,  and  of  the  States 
included  in  the  Confederate  Union. 

Taking  into  consideration  the  fact  that  records  of  all  Indian 
treaties  were  penned  by  white  men,  and  that  Indians  had  no 
Hubbard,  Mather,  or  Church,  to  indite  for  them  their  tale  of 
woe,  he  is  venturesome  who  will  assert  that  all  treaty  transac- 
tions have  been  fairly  told. 

If  the  reader  will  candidly  consider  what  was  the  condition 
of  the  New  England  tribes  when  the  white  man  came  among 
them,  he  will  find  recorded  no  instance  of  Indian  perfidy,  nor 
of  addictedness  to  dishonest  practices  of  any  sort.  They  were 
not  cheats,  gamblers,  licentious,  inebriates,  nor  in  any  way 
peculiarly  depraved  in  habits  or  morals. 

It  is  patent  that  at  the  close  of  Metacomet's  life,  Indian 
lands  rose  in  value  ;  and  his  enemies  embraced  with  eagerness 
the  long-sought  privilege  of  entering  upon  the  original  inheri- 
tance. It  is  also  patent  that  the  surviving  majority  of  the 
unfortunate  race  were  sold  into  perpetual  slavery. 

It  has  been  said  by  here  and  there  a  sentimentalist,  or  per- 
haps humanitarian,  or  Christian,  that  "  it  is  some  small  relief 
to  find  that  the  fate  of  the  only  son  of  the  Wampanoag  Chief 
was  not  decided  by  those  in  authority  without  learned  advice 
eliciting  prolonged  discussion."1 

1  Judge  Davis,  in  his  Morton's  Memorial,  says  :  "  It  is  consoling  to  our  feelings 
to  know  that,  as  the  issue  of  the  singular  discussion,  the  life  of  the  innocent  boy- 
was  spared,  although  that  life  was,  for  a  price,  doomed  to  slavery.  The  question 
thus  seriously  agitated  would  not,  in  modern  times,  occur  in  any  other  nation  in 
Christendom.  Principles  of  public  law,  sentiments  of  humanity,  the  mild  influ- 
ence of  the  gospel  in  preference  to  a  recurrence  to  the  Jewish  dispensation  so 


174  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

We  shall  close  with  an  extract  from  Edward  Everett.  In 
his  address,  1835,  speaking  of  the  encounter,  August,  1676, 
Mr.  Everett  quotes  Mather,  whose  record  was  :  "  Philip 
barely  escapes,  leaving  his  peage  behind.  His  son  and  squaw 
were  taken  captive,  and  are  now  prisoners  in  Plymouth. 
Thus  hath  God  brought  that  grand  enemy  into  misery  before 
He  quite  destroy  him.  It  must  needs  be  bitter  as  death  to 
him  to  lose  his  wife  and  only  son,  for  Indians  are  marvelously 
fond  and  affectionate  towards  their  children,  besides  their 
other  relatives,  and  towards  their  country  also."  Mr.  Ever- 
ett continues :  "  And  now  what  was  the  fate  of  Philip's  wife 
and  son !  This  is  a  tale  for  husband  and  wives,  for  parents 
and  children.  Young  men  and  children,  you  cannot  under- 
stand it.  What  was  the  fate  of  Philip's  wife  and  child  ! 
She  a  woman,  he  a  lad !  They  surely  did  not  hang  them  ? 
That   would  have   been  mercy.     The   boy  is   grandson,  his 

much  regarded  by  our  ancestors  in  their  deliberations  and  decisions,  would  forbid 
the  thought  of  inflicting  punishment  on  children  for  the  offenses  of  a  parent." 

We  present,  with  accompanying  matter,  the  preceding  note  from  the  pen  of 
Judge  Davis,  as  not  simply  apposite,  but  as  just  and  honorable  to  the  learned 
jurist.  The  reader  will,  in  review  of  this  Indian  history,  be  glad  to  know  the 
distinctive  views  and  peculiar  logical  influences  which,  in  early  times,  predomi- 
nated.    We  therefore  add  :  — 

Reverend  Increase  Mather,  of  Boston,  gave  opinion  and  said :  "  Of  the  young 
prince,  it  is  necessary  that  some  effectual  course  be  taken.  He  makes  me  think 
of  Hadad,  who  was  a  little  child  when  his  father,  chief  Sachem  of  the  Edomites, 
was  killed  by  Joab.  Had  not  others  fled  away  with  him,  I  am  apt  to  think  that 
David  would  have  taken  the  course  that  Hadad  would  not  have  proved  a  scourge 
to  the  next  generation." 

Reverend  James  Keith,  of  Bridgewater,  interposed  a  pleader,  saying,  "  I  long 
to  hear  what  becomes  of  Philip's  wife  and  son.  I  know  there  is  some  difficulty, 
Psalm  cxxxvii.  8,  9 ;  though  I  think  it  may  be  considered  whether  there  be  not 
some  specialties  and  somewhat  extraordinary  in  it.  That  law,  Deuteronomy, 
xxiv.  16,  compared  with  the  example  of  Amariah,  2  Chronicles,  xxv.  4,  doth 
sway  much  with  me." 

Mr.  Mather  gives  the  result,  March  20  :  "  Philip's  boy  goes  to  be  sold." 

Mr.  Cotton,  of  Plymouth,  and  Mr.  Arnold,  of  Marshfield,  gave  written  opin- 
ions jointly,  viz  :  "  We  humbly  conceive,  on  serious  consideration,  that  the  chil- 
dren of  notorious  traitors,  rebels,  and  murderers,  especially  such  as  have  been 
principal  leaders  and  actors  in  such  horrid  villainies,  and  that  against  a  whole  na- 
tion, yea,  the  whole  Israel  of  God,  may  be  involved  in  the  guilt  of  their  parents, 
and  may,  salva  republica,  be  adjudged  to  death ;  as  to  us  seems  evident  by  the 
Scripture  instances  of  Saul,  Achan,  and  Haman,  the  children  of  whom  were  cut 
off  by  the  sword  of  justice  for  the  transgressions  of  parents,  although  it  be  man- 
ifest they  were  incapable  of  being  actors." 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  175 

mother  daughter-in-law,  of  good  old  Massasoit,  the  first  and 
best  friend  the  English  ever  had  in  New  England.  Perhaps, 
now  Philip  is  slain,  and  his  numerous  warriors  are  scattered  to 
the  four  winds,  they  will  allow  his  wife  and  son,  widow  and 
orphan,  to  go  back  and  finish  their  days  and  sorrows  in  their 
native  wilderness  ?  No  !  they  are  sold  into  slavery !  West 
India  slavery !  An  Indian  Princess  and  her  child  sold,  from  / 
the  cool  breezes  of  Mount  Hope,  from  the  wild  freedom  of 
a  New  England  forest,  to  gasp  under  the  lash  beneath  the 
blazing  sun  of  the  tropics  !  Bitter  as  death  ?  Aye,  bitter  as 
hell.  Is  there  anything  animated  that  would  not  struggle  at 
this  ?  " 

We  feel  sure  that  we  do  not  transcend  the  patience  of  the 
reader  by  so  extended  quotation  from  the  pen  of  the  gifted 
Mr.  Everett. 

We  have  very  few  remarks  to  offer  in  closing  the  present 
work.  That  a  remnant  of  Indians,  —  Massapees  and  a  few 
other  broken  tribes,  —  are  permitted  to  continue  in  occupancy 
of  their  native  soil,  indicates  a  disposition  on  the  part  of  the 
white  man  to  extend  to  these  neighboring  residuals  a  larger 
degree  of  indulgence  than  has  been  meted  to  most  other 
tribes.  Narragansetts  yet  remain  in  Rhode  Island.  Legisla- 
tive doings  show  that  a  proposition  was,  a  few  years  ago,  made 
to  them  to  waive  tribal  allegiance  and  become  citizens  of  the 
State.  The  proposal  was  promptly  declined.  Indians  said : 
"We  are  attached  to  the  traditions  of  our  fathers,  and  rever- 
ence the  memory  of  our  kings.  Our  title-deeds  come  from 
the  Great  Jehovah.  They  have  never  been  obscured  by  writ-  < 
ings.  We  are  heirs  of  Ninigret,  and  other  great  chiefs  and 
warriors,  and  we  claim  that  so  long  as  one  drop  of  Indian 
blood  remains  in  our  veins,  we  are  entitled  to  the  rights  and 
privileges  guaranteed  in  solemn  treaty  by  your  ancestors." 

The  Massapees,  and  Gay  Head  Indians,  have  lately  been 
incorporated  as  towns.  Passamaquoddy  Indians  and  those 
resident  at  Oldtown,  remain;  but  in  condition  of  depend- 
ence. 

We  recognize  with  gratitude  to  the  Giver  of  all  good,  the 
fact  that  slavery  of  any  people,  race,  or  complexion,  is  now 
generally  regarded  in  New  England  as  a  great  evil. 


176  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

Our  condition  as  peoples  has  greatly  changed.  The  partial 
extinction  of  Aborigines,  and  the  unprofitableness  of  negro 
slavery  upon  a  comparatively  sterile  soil,  and  in  an  uncon- 
genial climate,  has  been  followed  by  great  events.  The  slave- 
trade,  long  since  dishonored,  forbidden,  and  declared  piracy ; 
still  greater  changes  have  been  effected  by  the  wonderful 
working  of  Him  who  maketh  the  wrath  of  man  to  praise  Him. 
Our  country  has,  in  general,  become  emphatically  the  Land 
of  the  Fbee. 

As  respects  Indians  on  our  borders,  something  remains  to  be 
said.  Many  are  constrained  to  indulge  concern  for  them.  In- 
terior tribes  retiring  before  the  face  of  white  men,  towards 
the  shores  of  the  Pacific,  leave  comparatively  few  in  undis- 
turbed possession  of  their  original  hereditary  domain. 

Becoming  will  it  be  if  humility  tempered  by  wisdom,  take 
place  of  censoriousness,  vindictiveness,  and  greed  ;  if  zeal  take 
counsel  of  experience,  and  charity  be  measured  by  the  duties 
which,  under  the  circumstances,  press  upon  us  here.  Then 
will  increased  numbers  who  roam  over  the  greatness  of  our 
land  be  civilized,  and  cheered  by  gospel  light. 

For  all  violations  of  treaty  engagements,  and  for  oppression 
and  outrage,  retribution  will  some  day  come. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

Our  minister  to  the  court  of  St.  James  has  expressed 
himself  in  this  wise :  "  Man  was  made  in  the  image  of  his 
Creator.  He  still  bears  that  image,  although  grievously 
marred  by  circumstances  through  which  he  has  passed,  and 
by  which  he  continues  to  be  surrounded." 

The  North  American  Indian  is  the  noblest  type  of  a  wild 
man  on  earth.  He  recognizes  a  Great  Spirit ;  believes  in  a 
future  life  ;  is  devoted  to  his  children,  and  will  die  for  his 
tribe.  A  cry  of  extermination  of  such  a  people,  is,  as  it  ever 
was,  a  reproach  to  humanity  and  an  insult  to  Heaven. 

President  Adams  wrote  in  his  diary,  1841,  "  The  policy, 
from  Washington  to  myself,  of  presidents  of  the  United  States, 
was  justice  and  kindness  to  the  Indian  tribes,  to  civilize  and 
preserve  them.  With  the  Creeks  and  Cherokees  it  had  been 
successful  ;  its  success  was  their  misfortune.  The  States, 
within  whose  borders  were  their  settlements,  took  alarm  and 
broke  down  all  treaties  which  had  pledged  the  good  faith  of 
the  nation.  Georgia  extended  its  jurisdiction  over  them,  took 
possession  of  their  lands,  houses,  horses,  cattle,  furniture,  and 
negroes,  and  drove  the  Indians  from  their  dwellings.  By  the 
simultaneous  operation  of  fraudulent  treaties  and  brutal  force, 
the  work  was  consummated.  The  Florida  war  was  one  of  the 
fruits  of  this  policy,  the  conduct  of  which  exhibits  an  unin- 
terrupted scene  of  the  most  profligate  corruption.  All  resist- 
ance to  the  abomination  is  vain.  It  is  one  of  the  heinous  sins 
of  the  nation,  for  which  God  will  surely  bring  us  to  judgment. 
I  turn  my  eyes  away  from  the  sickening  mass  of  putrefac- 
tion." 

"  Such,"  Bishop  Whipple,  of  Minnesota,  writes,  "  was  the 
outcry  of  a  noble  heart  which,  in  utter  helplessness,  turned 

12 


178  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

away  from  God's  suffering  children,  whom  he  could  not  re- 
lieve. Since  that  time  the  prairies  of  Minnesota,  the  plains 
of  Colorado,  the  vales  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  the  lands 
of  Dacota  and  of  the  Pacific  slope,  have  all  been  desolated  by- 
wars,  the  fruit  of  a  broken  faith  !  The  last  war  with  the  Nez 
Perces  was  the  crowning  act  of  our  injustice.  They  had  been 
friends  to  the  white  man  three  quarters  of  a  century,  and  had 
an  untarnished  record  of  fidelity  and  friendship.  Neither  vio- 
lated treaties,  trespass,  violence,  nor  even  robbery  and  mur- 
ders, could  ever  lead  them  to  revenge."  1 

In  1863  a  treaty  was  said  to  be  made  with  a  portion  of  the 
Nez  Perces.  The  pseudo-treaty  was  not  recognized  by  a  large 
part  of  the  tribe.  The  non-treaty  Indians  had  their  home  in 
the  beautiful  valley  called  Wallowa.  They  insisted  that  they 
had  never  sold  it,  and  refused  to  leave  the  graves  of  their 
fathers.  Their  claim  was  finally  acknowledged  by  the  United 
States  government,  and,  so  late  as  1871,  a  part  of  the  valley 
was  set  apart  as  a  Reservation  for  them.  But  later,  a  commis- 
sion notified  them  that  "  the  treaty  of  1863  would  be  en- 
forced, and  that  all  Indians  must  leave."  The  Nez  Perces 
refused.2 

1  Lewis  and  Clarke,  who  visited  the  Nez  Perces  in  1804,  bear  witness :  "  They 
are  the  most  friendly  and  noblest  of  red  men."  Governor  Stevens,  who  "made 
the  first  reconnoissance  of  the  Northern  Pacific  Kailway,"  paid  them  a  like  tribute 
of  praise.  He  says  :  "  They  served  as  scouts  during  our  Oregon  wars,  and 
furnished  our  cavalry  $5,000  worth  of  ponies,  for  which  they  were  never  paid. 
During  our  wars  with  the  Snake  and  Shoshone  Indians,  our  troops  were  saved 
by  the  Nez  Perces  from  destruction.  Colonel  Stepton  was  without  ammunition 
and  hard  pressed  ;  the  Nez  Perces  came  to  his  relief.  Commissioners  represent 
these  Indians  as  "  a  long-suffering  people."  "  Several  thousand  white  men 
flocked  to  their  country  to  dig  for  gold ;  located  scrip  upon  their  reservations, 
and  built  villages  and  cities  on  their  unceded  lands.  The  Indian  superintendent 
himself  claimed  a  large  tract  of  their  country,  as  '  purchased '  from  a  solitary 
Indian.  The  people  received  much  indignity ;  some  were  murdered  in  cold 
blood,  and  their  women  suffered  brutal  violence." 

2  Their  chief  told  the  commissioners,  "  I  have  suffered  wrong  rather  than  do 
wrong.  One  of  my  people  was  murdered  the  last  summer ;  I  did  not  avenge  his 
death ;  but  my  brother's  blood  sanctifies  the  ground,  and,  if  it  be  necessary  to 
protect  us  against  this  wrong,  will  call  the  dead  out  of  their  graves." 

This  chief,  in  his  very  last  battle,  seeing  a  young  English  soldier  mortally 
wounded,  went  to  him  and  knelt  beside  him,  saying,  "  Poor  boy,  it  is  too  bad  that 
you  die  in  such  a  war."  He  then  went  to  his  own  tapee  and  fetched  a  blanket 
to  cover  the  dying  man.  Indignant  words  of  hate  are  often  levelled  at  Chief 
Joseph ;  whilst  no  expressions  of  righteous  indignation  would  be  strong  enough 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  179 

The  story  of  other  Indian  wars  is  substantially  the  same. 
The  Sioux  of  Minnesota  were  victims  of  government  frauds. 
The  Navajoes,  who  had  flocks  and  herds,  orchards,  and  well- 
tilled  fields,  fought  to  avenge  their  daughters  stolen  and 
doomed  to  a  fate  worse  than  death.  Modocs  had  bitter  mem- 
ories of  their  fathers  murdered  by  enemies,  fighting  under  the 
white  man's  flag.  No  Indian  could  tell  a  darker  story  of  vio- 
lated faith  than  the  fierce  Cochisi  of  the  Apaches.  No  men- 
tion of  cruelty  could  show  a  blacker  record  than  that  of  the 
massacre  of  Mokitava's  band.  These  wars  were  the  result  of 
violation  of  treaty  !  It  is  remarkable  that  Indians  were  never 
known  to  violate  a  treaty  promise. 

It  has  been  thought  remarkable  that  another  government 
has  lived  in  peace  and  friendship  with  Indian  tribes,  during 
the  long  years  of  outrage  and  blood  our  own  country  has  wit- 
nessed. We  have  scarcely  a  hundred  miles  between  the  two 
great  oceans  that  has  not  been  a  scene  of  bloodshed.  The 
United  States  have  expended  at  least  8500,000,000  in  Indian 
wars.1  Our  neighbors  in  the  Provinces  have  never  expended 
a  dollar  through  fear  of  Indian  outrage  or  massacre.  It  seems 
passing  strange  that  our  savage  foes  become  law-abiding  citi- 
zens when  they  touch  another  soil.  There  is  scarcely  a  page 
of  our  dealings  with  Indians  upon  which  we  can  look  with 
pleasure,  though  we  begin  back  at  the  time  when  men  marched 
to  the  music  of  drum  and  fife,  with  the  head  of  Metacomet 
on  a  pole.2 

adequately  to  denounce  the  wickedness  of  wars  into  which  he  and  his  people  were 
forced  by  white  men. 

"  The  Nez  Perces  have  been  charged  with  being  sullen  and  defiant,"  says 
Bishop  Whipple ;  "  but  history  will  tell  that  they  were  brave  souls,  who 
counted  it  sweet  to  die  for  their  country.  They  never  waged  war  on  women  and 
children ;  they  never  mutilated  the  dead ;  they  often  exhibited  compassion  wor- 
thy of  humanity." 

1  The  end  is  not  yet. 

2  We  need  not  cite  "the  burning  of  the  Delawares  on  a  Lord's  day,  in  a 
Moravian  church ;  "  nor  will  we  again  advert  to  "  the  martyrdom  of  Worcester 
for  preaching  Christ  to  Cherokees.  That  prison-cell  where  Rev.  Samuel  A 
Worcester  was  incarcerated  in  defiance  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  may  be  forgotten  by  his  persecutors  and  their  abettors ;  but  God  is  not 
forgetful,  and  nations  may  reap  that  which  they  sow.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
a  time  came  when  from  the  top  of  Lookout  Mountain  descended  a  host,  under 
the  flag  of  the  Constitution,  and  laid  waste  a  country  which  had  been  owned  by 


180  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

Inwrought  in  the  history  of  every  Indian  tribe  is  a  story 
of  wrongs.  That  was  a  remark  full  of  meaning,  which  has 
been  attributed  to  the  Bishop  of  Rupert :  "  I  fear  that  your 
people  have  not  learned  that  it  is  not  the  land  which  you  give 
to  Indians,  so  much  as  that  you  strictly  fulfill  your  pledges." 
An  axiom  of  political  weight  was  enunciated  by  Lord  Duf- 
ferin,  in  three  words,  when  he  spoke  of  Indians  as  "  our 
fellow-subjects." 

A  strange  anomaly  grew  out  of  the  position  of  early  settlers 
in  America.  The  Pilgrim  Fathers  in  Massachusetts,  and  the 
Cavaliers  in  Virginia,  could  not  agree  to  treat  a  people  who 
outnumbered  them  a  thousand  to  one,  as  wards. 

Spain,  France,  Holland,  and  England  claimed  the  country 
by  right  of  discovery.  Each  recognized  the  Indian's  posses- 
sory right  to  the  soil.  France  expressly  reserved  this  right 
in  the  sale  of  Louisiana.  The  United  States,  by  the  ordi- 
nance of  1787,  made  the  doctrine  part  of  organic  law. 

The  law  of  nations,  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
the  several  departments  of  government,  —  judicial,  legislative, 
and  executive,  —  each  and  all  affirm  the  inviolability  of  the 
title.  Our  treaties  are  constitutionally  the  supreme  law. 
The  only  possible  allegation  that  can  be  brought  against  it, 
is  the  robber's  plea,  that  might  makes  right.  The  pressure 
of  emigration  made  us  trespassers.1 

Happily,  the  conscience  of  the  people  is  touched,  and  a 
wiser  and  more  humane  policy  than  once  prevailed  is  de- 
manded by  public  sentiment.  Secretary  Stanton  said,  in 
1862,  "  If  you  come  to  Washington  to  tell  us  that  our  Indian 
system  is  a  sink  of  iniquity,  and  a  disgrace  to  the  nation,  we 
all  know  it."  Since  that  declaration  was  made,  years  have 
passed  away,  and  the  years  have  been  marked  by  atrocities 

Cherokees."  The  distinguished  Prelate  who  indited  the  preceding  sentence,  says, 
"  We  dare  not  interpret  God's  providence ;  but  we  may  be  sure  that  when  a 
people  copy  the  oppressions  of  Egypt,  they  may  suffer  from  the  locusts  of 
Egypt." 

1  Indian  titles  are  seldom  attempted  to  be  extinguished  until  some  greedy  mob 
contrives  to  use  Indians  as  a  key  to  unlock  the  treasury.  Treaties  once  made,  or 
national  obligations  clearly  defined,  safety  requires  their  due  observance. 

If  our  respective  relations  be  thereby  altered,  the  fact  should  be  honestly  rec- 
ognized. Indians  on  an  equality  in  enjoyment  of  civil  rights  should  be  re- 
garded as  wards  of  the  nation. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  181 

which  have  affected  many,  both  Indians  and  white  people  ;  the 
death  of  the  brave  Mokitava  and  his  band,  and  the  massacre 
of  the  gallant  Custer  and  his  heroic  soldiers.  It  might  long 
since  have  been  asked  if  it  be  not  time  to  adopt  the  con- 
fession of  the  aged  Sioux  Chief :  "  The  land  is  dark  with 
blood.  Is  there  not  cause  why  the  Great  Spirit  is  angry  ?  " 
We  cannot  always  afford  to  mock  at  infinite  justice  !  We  are 
not  simply  dealing  with  despised  and  perishing  savages  ;  we 
are  contending  with  Almighty  God. 

In  their  wild  state  Indians  have  a  government  of  chiefs,  or 
head  men.  That  government  is  advisory.  Often  it  becomes 
weakened,  perhaps  destroyed  by  white  men.  We  give  noth- 
ing in  its  place.  Under  such  conditions,  no  community  could 
long  protect  itself.  We  seem  to  take  it  for  granted  that  su- 
perior virtue  in  savages  will,  under  circumstances  that  would 
wreck  our  own  race,  achieve  civilization.1 

The  first  requisite  of  reform  is  to  keep  our  faith.  Public 
opinion  must  settle  it  that  falsehood  and  dishonesty  are  ig- 
nominy, whether  the  crime  be  perpetrated  by  white  men  or 
by  red  men,  whether  by  persons  in  authority  or  by  the  ignoble 
vulgar. 

We  gather  from  deliberative  discussions  of  citizens,  both 
dignitaries  and  statesmen,  assembled  from  various  parts  of  the 
Union,  that  in  their  opinion,  the  people  of  these  States,  and 
generally  our  rulers,  feel  kindly  towards  Indians,  and  that 
it  has  been  a  defect  in  our  Indian  system  that  the  tribes  are 
treated  as  independent  nations,  who  owe  no  allegiance,  and  are 
neither  subject  to  nor  protected  by  our  laws. 

1  The  United  States  government,  not  long  since,  commissioned  persons  to 
visit  a  notorious  chieftain,  to  induce  him  to  return  to  its  paternal  care.  That 
chief  was  sagacious,  and  doubtless  was  possessed  of  the  story  of  the  two  Minne- 
sota Chiefs,  Shakopee  and  Medicine  Bottle,  who,  after  the  Minnesota  massacre, 
hurried  to  Canada.  They  were  there  followed  and  visited  by  white  people,  who 
made  them  drunk,  seized  them  in  a  state  of  inebriation,  carried  them  across  the 
line,  and  exposed  them  to  court-martial.  These  Indians  were  hanged  !  Just 
before  their  execution,  Dr.  Daniels,  a  gentleman  influenced  by  humane  consider- 
ations, called  to  commiserate  with  them.  Towards  the  close  of  the  interview, 
Shakopee  inquired  of  Doctor  D.,  "  My  friend,  what  will  the  white  men  do  with 
me  ?  "  Dr.  D.  replied,  "  I  think  they  will  hang  you."  Shakopee  received  the 
answer  in  silence ;  but  quickly  said,  "  I  am  not  afraid  to  die.  When  I  go  to  the 
other  world,  I  will  look  the  Great  Spirit  in  his  face,  and  shall  tell  Him  what  the 
white  man  did  to  us  before  we  began  the  fight.    He  will  do  right.,, 


182  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

Statistics  furnish  little  help  to  a  solution  of  the  Indian  prob- 
lem. The  assumption  long  maintained  that  the  Indians  are 
dying  out,  and  will  soon  be  extinct,  is  not  supported.  Tribes 
have  disappeared,  but  remnants,  removed  to  reservations,  show 
increase  of  numbers.  It  is  evident  that  extermination  by- 
sword  will  cost  vastly  more  than  the  expense  of  feeding  the 
Indian. 

The  chief  of  the  Indian  Bureau,  in  1868,  estimated  the  cost 
to  Government,  of  killing  an  Indian,  to  be  about  81,000,000. 
Reports  of  the  bureau  show  that,  "  outside  of  Alaska  and  the 
tribe  of  Sitting  Bull,  there  are,  as  estimated,  250,000  Indians 
in  the  United  States.  The  number  of  mixed  blood  is  given  at 
27,749.  The  number  of  Indians  who  have  abandoned  savage 
life,  and  wear  the  dress  of  civilization,  is  112,000.  The  num- 
ber who  can  read  English,  is  23,871.  The  number  of  houses 
occupied  by  Indians,  is  21,199,  of  which  944  were  built  by 
Indians  during  the  last  fiscal  year.  They  had,  at  the  time  the 
last  bureau  report  was  submitted,  107  mills,  208  shops,  330 
schools  with  12,000  pupils,  and  437  teachers.  The  Indians 
cultivated,  on  the  reserves,  the  last  fiscal  year,  292,550  acres, 
upon  which  they  raised  688,270  bushels  of  wheat,  4,656,952 
bushels  of  corn,  and  1,000,000  bushels  of  other  grains  and 
vegetables.  They  cut  148,473  tons  of  hay ;  owned  209,021 
horses  ;  7,265  mules ;  217,883  cattle  ;  121,348  swine ;  587,444 
sheep.  In  addition,  they  manufactured  large  quantities  of 
lumber,  sold  8370,913  worth  of  furs,  and  made  330,600 
pounds  of  sugar." 

The  people  of  our  country  may,  in  some  degree,  yet  atone 
for  the  past,  by  kindness  and  justice  to  the  remnants  of  In- 
dian nations.  We  are  neither  sanguine  in  expectation  or 
hope.  If  the  voice  of  humanity,  conscience,  and  the  word  of 
God,  is  not  heeded,  we  must  abide  the  result,  and  perhaps 
reap  a  harvest  of  sorrow.  Our  children's  children  may,  in 
hushed  tones,  tell  the  sad  story,  and  wonder  how  their  fathers 
dared  to  trample  on  justice,  and  trifle  with  Omnipotence. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

The  subject  is  not  exhausted.  It  has  not  been  our  object 
to  exhaust  it.  Our  contributions  to  Indian  history  may  have 
been  prolix,  perhaps  needlessly.  Other  labors  have  demanded 
our  care.     We  close  briefly. 

In  the  fall  of  1874,  toward  the  end  of  one  Indian  war,  a 
large  number  of  Indians  surrendered  to  the  United  States 
troops,  and  by  order  of  Government  a  selection  of  "  braves," 
many  of  them  chiefs,  Cheyennes,  Arrapahoes,  Kiowas,  and 
Comanches,  was  made  and  placed  in  charge  of  an  officer  of 
cavalry.  They  were  sent,  in  1875,  in  chains,  from  Fort 
Leavenworth  to  San  Marco.1  There  were  in  all  eighty  In- 
dians, old  and  young,  every  man  of  them  having  a  marked  rep- 
utation for  cruelty  and  ferocity.  With  these  men  went  two 
women  and  one  little  girl,  the  wives  and  a  daughter  of  two 
chiefs.  They  with  much  persistency  refused  to  be  separated. 
The  officer  commanding  had  no  heart  to  compel  them.  This 
officer  was  a  humane  Christian  gentleman,  who  had  seen  long 
and  faithful  service  on  the  frontier,  and  believed  that  kind- 
ness, discipline,  and  instruction  would  save  many  of  the  In- 
dian race.  They  came  to  Florida  in  blankets,  paint,  and 
feathers,  with  their  long  hair  tied  full  of  human  scalps  and 
other  trophies,  proving  their  hatred  of  white  men  and  their 
enmity  to  each  other.  Their  language  to  one  another  was 
strange,  and  they  could  neither  speak  nor  understand  English. 
Shortly  after  their  arrival  their  chains  were  removed,  their 
hair  cut,  and  the  men  were  put  in  the  dress  of  common  sol- 

1  This  fort  is  the  oldest  structure  in  this  country,  and  probably  the  best  pre- 
served specimen  of  military  architecture  of  its  time  to  be  found  anywhere.  It 
was  begun  three  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago,  and  has  stood  in  its  present  form 
more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  years. 


184  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

diers,  and  subjected  to  military  drill  and  discipline.  As  soon 
as  the  commanding  officer  saw  that  they  appreciated  the  kind 
treatment  they  received  he  put  them  on  their  honor,  and  gave 
them  liberty  to  go  freely,  at  stipulated  times,  about  the  city 
and  its  environs.  They  did  not  in  any  instance  rebel  against 
that  officer's  supreme  authority. 

Mimimic,  the  head  chief  of  the  Cheyennes,  was  an  old  man 
much  esteemed  by  all  residents  in  St.  Augustine.  He  told 
a  visitor,  in  sign-language  so  expressive  as  to  be  clearly  under- 
stood, that  if  he  went  back  to  his  people  they  would  call  him 
a  woman,  because  of  his  intercourse  with  white  people,  but  he 
did  not  care.  He  said  that  when  he  went  hunting  he  brought 
the  game  into  his  wigwam  and  threw  himself  down  to  sleep. 
His  squaw  covered  him,  took  the  game  and  dressed  it,  made 
a  fire,  and  cooked  a  savory  dish,  which  she  brought  to  his 
side,  and  waited  while  he  ate  it.  With  significant  expression 
and  gestures  he  declared  that  henceforth  things  were  changed, 
and  that  his  wife  should  sit  down  and  rest  while  he  himself 
would  work.  He  also  said  he  would  teach  his  young  men  to 
plow  and  to  sow  corn.  "  My  heart  has  grown  very  large 
since  I  came  to  Florida.  I  now  know  that  every  white  man, 
woman,  and  child  is  my  friend." 

The  first  year  and  a  half  religious  instruction  to  these  In- 
dians was  limited  to  occasional  addresses  by  Bishop  Whipple 
and  other  ministers  who  visited  them.1  On  Sundays  they  were 
allowed  to  choose  their  place  of  worship,  —  Episcopal,  Roman 
Catholic,  Presbyterian,  or  Methodist,  —  and  they  soon  estab- 
lished themselves  regularly  in  one  or  other  of  these  congrega- 
tions. As  they  became  more  civilized  Christian  ladies  went 
occasionally  to  teach  them.2  The  Indians  were  shy,  appre- 
ciating their  position  as  men  taught  by  women.  For  this 
reason  female  visitors  were  not  often  allowed  to  attend  the 


1  The  addresses  were  interpreted  by  Mr.  G.  W.  Fox,  and  a  Mexican  whose 
name  was  Komeo. 

2  What  would  the  Christian  cause  have  done  without  the  aid  of  woman  ? 
"Last  at  the  cross,  and  earliest  at  the  grave,"  she  has  ever  been  the  friend  of 
right.  A  gentleman  attempted  in  1878  to  make  a  bargain  with  these  Indians 
for  bows  and  arrows,  but  not  an  Indian  would  sell  or  traffic.  He  was  obliged  to 
relinquish  his  purpose  of  returning  home  the  next  day.  The  Indians  objected  to 
traffic.    They  said,  "  It  is  the  Lord's  day." 


CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM.  185 

school.  By  courtesy  of  the  commanding  officer  some  few  at- 
tended, and  at  every  visit  their  interest  in  the  race  increased. 
They  say  :  — 

"  On  rude  benches,  surrounded  by  whitewashed  walls  of 
the  old  fort,  with  only  a  map  of  the  United  States  hung,  some 
forty  Indians  awaited  the  opening  of  the  school.  Their  aver- 
age age  was  twenty-five  or  more.  They  were  neatly  dressed 
in  their  uniform,  with  well-blacked  shoes,  cleaned  nails,  combed 
hair,  and  of  respectful  demeanor.  At  a  sign  all  arose,  found 
the  page  announced,  sang  a  Christian  hymn,  and  then,  find- 
ing the  15th  of  St.  Luke,  chanted  "  I  will  arise  and  go  to  my 
Father."  With  bowed  heads,  led  by  the  commanding  officer, 
they  all  repeated  in  good  English  the  Lord's  Prayer. 

"  These  men  were  captured  prisoners  of  war,  and  all  had 
less  than  three  years'  knowledge  of  civilization.  They  an- 
swered correctly  questions  respecting  the  geography  of  the 
United  States,  and  also  practical  questions  in  simple  mathe- 
matics. There  were  degrees  of  proficiency,  —  the  younger 
learning  easily,  —  but  all  were  ambitious  and  desirous  of 
knowledge.  Some  gave  evidence  that  they  understand  the 
story  of  redemption,  and  have  begun  to  know  and  serve  the 
Lord." 

This  visitor  noticed  in  the  school,  habits  of  politeness  and 
respect ;  an  Indian  missing  his  pencil,  and  being  supplied  by 
the  teacher,  replied  instantly,  "  Thank  you,"  as  if  all  his  life 
accustomed  to  polite  society.  When  changing  position  on  the 
rude  bench  the  centre  of  gravity  was  lost  by  one  of  our  num- 
ber, every  Indian  fixed  his  eyes  upon  his  book,  and  not  even 
a  smile  spread  over  any  Indian's  face.  Where  among  white 
pupils  could  such  an  instance  of  propriety  be  found  ?  That 
which  most  impressed  me  was  the  marvelously  changed  faces 
of  these  people.  The  sullen  and  stolid  look  of  the  race  had 
disappeared ;  their  eyes  were  lighted  with  intelligent  percep- 
tions, and  were  bright  with  frequent  smiles  of  appreciative 
pleasure.  A  sense  of  humanity  thrilled  us  as  we  looked  and 
listened  to  these  our  brothers,  the  children  of  one  Father  who 
has  declared  that  He  made  of  "  one  blood  all  nations." 

If  the  government  of  the  United  States  will  be  true  to  trea- 
ties, and  if  the  Church  will  go  with  the  law  and  government, 


186  CIVILIZATION  AND  BARBARISM. 

to  teach  Indians  the  Lord  Jesus  and  the  principles  of  His 
kingdom,  millions  of  money  spent  in  fighting  Indians  may,  in 
a  single  generation,  solve  the  Indian  problem,  and  save  a  mul- 
titude of  souls. 

We  have  been  pleased  with  the  following,  which  we  copy 
from  a  religious  paper,  now  in  its  thirty-fourth  year  of  publi- 
cation : 1  "  General  Crooks's  sense  of  right  and  wrong  is  as 
keen  as  his  sword.  When  a  gentleman  said  to  him,  '  It  is 
hard  that  men  and  officers  should  be  sent  to  be  killed  by  In- 
dians when  the  whole  trouble  has  been  brought  about  by 
thieving  agents,'  the  General  replied,  '  That  is  not  the  hard- 
est thing.  A  harder  thing  is  to  be  forced  to  kill  the  Indians 
when  they  are  clearly  in  the  right.'  " 

The  same  paper  says :  "  It  is  no  time  to  talk  about  expedi- 
ency and  economy  when  honor  and  honesty  are  concerned  in 
the  matter.  The  last  must  take  precedence  of  and  overrule 
the  first.  It  is  frequently  said  that  it  will  pay  to  treat  the 
Indians  well  in  order  to  avoid  the  tremendous  expense  of  In- 
dian wars.  That  is  a  paltry  matter.  It  will  pay  to  treat  the 
Indians  well  simply  because  it  is  right  to  do  so.  It  is  not  a 
question  of  money ;  it  is  a  question  of  morals.  Surely  it  is 
yet  possible  for  the  great  body  of  the  citizens  of  the  nation  to 
feel,  and  to  impress  upon  their  representatives  in  Congress 
that  there  may  be  and  are  great  national  duties  which  should 
be  decided  simply  on  the  ground  of  right  or  wrong." 

1  The  Churchman. 


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